the cleveland era-第15章

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tee　incubation　and　would　almost　certainly　be　assured　of　opportunity　of　considering　the　public　business。　Discrimination　in　legislative　privilege　among　members　of　the　House　would　then　be　abolished；　for　every　member　would　belong　to　the　committee　on　appropriations。　It　is　universally　true　in　constitutional　governments　that　power　over　appropriations　involves　power　over　legislation；　and　the　only　possibility　of　a　square　deal　is　to　open　that　power　to　the　entire　membership　of　the　assembly；　which　is　the　regular　practice　in　Switzerland　and　in　all　English　commonwealths。　The　House　could　not　have　been　ignorant　of　the　existence　of　this　alternative；　for　the　whole　subject　had　been　luminously　discussed　in　the　Senate　Report　of　February　4；1881。　It　was；　therein；　clearly　pointed　out　that　such　an　arrangement　would　prevent　paralysis　or　inaction　in　Congress。　With　the　Administration　proposing　its　measures　directly　to　Congress；　discussion　of　them　and　decisions　upon　them　could　not　be　avoided。

But　such　a　public　forum　could　not　be　established　without　sweeping　away　many　intrenchments　of　factional　interest　and　private　opportunity；　and　this　was　not　at　all　the　purpose　of　the　committee　on　rules。　It　took　its　character　and　direction　from　an　old　feud　between　Morrison　and　Randall。　Morrison；　as　chairman　of　the　Ways　and　Means　Committee　in　1876；　had　reported　a　tariff　reform　measure　which　was　defeated　by　Randall's　influence。　Then　Randall；　who　had　succeeded　to　the　Speakership；　transferred　Morrison　from　the　chairmanship　of　the　Ways　and　Means　Committee　to　the　chairmanship　of　the　committee　on　public　lands。　But　Morrison　was　a　man　who　would　not　submit　to　defeat。　He　was　a　veteran　of　the　Civil　War；　and　had　been　severely　wounded　in　leading　his　regiment　at　Fort　Donelson。　After　the　war；　he　figured　in　Illinois　politics　and　served　as　Speaker　of　the　State　Legislature。　He　entered　Congress　in　1873　and　devoted　himself　to　the　study　of　the　tariff　with　such　intelligence　and　thoroughness　that　his　speeches　are　still　an　indispensable　part　of　the　history　of　tariff　legislation。　His　habitual　manner　was　so　mild　and　unassuming　that　it　gave　little　indication　of　the　force　of　his　personality；　which　was　full　of　energy　and　perseverance。

Randall　was　more　imperious　in　his　mien。　He　was　a　party　leader　of　established　renown　which　he　had　gained　in　the　struggles　over　force　bills　at　the　close　of　the　reconstruction　period。　His　position　on　the　tariff　was　that　of　a　Pennsylvania　protectionist；　and　upon　the　tariff　reform　issue　in　1883；　he　was　defeated　for　the　Speakership。　At　that　time；　John　G。　Carlisle　of　Kentucky　was　raised　to　that　post；　while　Morrison　again　became　chairman　of　the　Ways　and　Means　Committee。　But　Randall；　now　appointed　chairman　of　the　Appropriations　Committee；　had　so　great　an　influence　that　he　was　able　to　turn　about　forty　Democratic　votes　against　the　tariff　bill　reported　by　the　Ways　and　Means　Committee；　thus　enabling　the　Republicans　to　kill　the　bill　by　striking　out　the　enacting　clause。

Only　this　practical　aim；　then；　was　in　view　in　the　reports　presented　by　the　committee　on　rules。　The　principal　feature　of　the　majority　report　was　a　proposal　to　curtail　the　jurisdiction　of　the　Appropriations　Committee　by　transferring　to　other　committees　five　of　the　eleven　regular　appropriation　bills。　What；　from　the　constitutional　point　of　view；　would　appear　to　be　the　main　questionthe　recovery　by　the　House　of　its　freedom　of　actionwas　hardly　noticed　in　the　report　or　in　the　debates　which　followed。　Heretofore；　the　rules　had　allotted　certain　periods　to　general　business；　now；　the　majority　report　somewhat　enlarged　these　periods　and　stipulated　that　no　committee　should　bring　more　than　one　proposal　before　the　House　until　all　other　committees　had　had　their　turn。　This　provision　might　have　been　somewhat　more　effective　had　it　been　accompanied　by　a　revision　of　the　list　of　committees　such　as　was　proposed　by　William　M。　Springer。　He　pointed　out　that　there　were　a　number　of　committees　〃that　have　no　business　to　transact　or　business　so　trifling　and　unimportant　as　to　make　it　unnecessary　to　have　standing　committees　upon　such　subjects〃；　he　proposed　to　abolish　twenty…one　of　these　committees　and　to　create　four　new　ones　to　take　their　place；　he　showed　that　〃if　we　allow　these　twenty　useless　committees　to　be　again　put　on　our　list；　to　be　called　regularly　in　the　morning　hour。。。　forty…two　days　will　be　consumed　in　calling　these　committees〃；　and；　finally；　he　pointed　out　that　the　change　would　effect　a　saving　since　it　would　〃do　away　with　sixteen　committee　clerkships。〃

This　saving　was；　in　fact；　fatal　to　the　success　of　Springer's　proposal；　since　it　meant　the　extinction　of　so　many　sinecures　bestowed　through　congressional　favor。　In　the　end；　Springer　reduced　his　proposed　change　to　the　creation　of　one　general　committee　on　public　expenditures　to　take　the　place　of　eight　committees　on　departmental　expenditures。　It　was　notorious　that　such　committees　did　nothing　and　could　do　nothing；　and　their　futility；　save　as　dispensers　of　patronage；　had　been　demonstrated　in　a　startling　manner　by　the　effect　of　the　Acts　of　July　12；　1870；　and　June　20；　1874；　requiring　all　unused　appropriations　to　be　paid　into　the　Treasury。　The　amounts　thus　turned　into　the　Treasury　aggregated　174；000；000　and　in　a　single　bureau　there　was　an　unexpended　balance　of　36；000；000；　which　had　accumulated　for　a　quarter　of　a　century　because　Congress　had　not　been　advised　that　no　appropriation　was　needed。　Mr。　Springer　remarked　that；　during　the　ten　years　in　which　he　had　been　a　member　of　Congress；　he　had　observed　with　regard　to　these　committees　〃that　in　nearly　all　cases；　after　their　appointment；　organization；　and　the　election　of　a　clerk；　the　committee　practically　ceased　to　exist；　and　nothing　further　is　done。〃　William　R。　Morrison　at　once　came　to　the　rescue　of　the　endangered　sinecures　and　argued　that　even　although　these　committees　had　been　inactive　in　the　past　they　〃constituted　the　eyes；　the　ears；　and　the　hands　of　the　House。〃　In　consequence；　after　a　short　debate　Mr。　Springer's　motion　was　rejected　without　a　division。

The　arrangements　subsequently　made　to　provide　time　and　opportunity　for　general　legislation；　turned　out　in　practice　to　be　quite　futile　and　indeed　they　were　never　more　than　a　mere　formal　pretense。　It　was　quite　obvious；　therefore；　that　the　new　rules　tended　only　to　make　the　situation　worse　than　before。　Thomas　Ryan　of　Kansas　told　the　plain　truth　when　he　said：　〃You　do　not　propose　to　remedy　any　of　those　things　of　which　you　complain　by　any　of　the　rules　you　have　brought　forward。　You　propose　to　clothe　eight　committees　with　the　same　power；　with　the　same　temptation　and　capacity　to　abuse　it。　You　multiply　eightfold　the　very　evils　of　which　you　complain。〃　James　H。　Blount　of　Georgia　sought　to　mitigate　the　evils　of　the　situation　by　giving　a　number　of　other　committees　the　same　privilege　as　the　appropriation　committees；　but　this　proposal　at　once　raised　a　storm；　for　appropriation　committees　had　leave　to　report　at　any　time；　and　to　extend　the　privilege　would　prevent　expeditious　handling　of　appropriation　bills。　Mr。　Blount's　motion　was；　therefore；　voted　down　without　a　division。

While　in　the　debate；　the　pretense　of　facilitating　routine　business　was　ordinarily　kept　up；　occasional　intimations　of　actual　ulterior　purpose　leaked　out；　as　when　John　B。　Storm　of　Pennsylvania　remarked　that　it　was　a　valuable　feature　of　the　rules　that　they　did　hamper　action　and　〃that　the　country　which　is　least　governed　is　the　best　governed；　is　a　maxim　in　strict　accord　with　the　idea　of　true　civil　liberty。〃　William　McKinley　was　also　of　the　opinion　that　barriers　were　needed　〃against　the　wild　projects　and　visionary　schemes　which　will　find　advocates　in　this　House。〃　Some　years　later；　when　the　subject　was　again　up　for　discussion；　Thomas　B。　Reed　went　to　the　heart　of　the　situation　when　he　declared　that　the　rules　had　been　devised　not　to　facilitate　action　but　to　obstruct　it；　for　〃the　whole　system　of　business　here　for　years　has　been　to　seek　methods　of　shirking；　not　of　meeting；　the　questions　which　the　people　present　for　the　consideration　of　their　representatives。　Peculiar　circumstances　have　caused　this。　For　a　long　time；　one　section　of　the　country　largely　dominated　the　other。　　That　section　of　the　country　was　constantly　apprehensive　of　danger　which　might　happen　at　any