the cleveland era-第16章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


　other。　　That　section　of　the　country　was　constantly　apprehensive　of　danger　which　might　happen　at　any　time　by　reason　of　an　institution　it　was　maintaining。　Very　naturally；　all　the　rules　of　the　House　were　bent　for　the　obstruction　of　action　on　the　part　of　Congress。〃　It　may　be　added　that　these　observations　apply　even　more　forcibly；　to　the　rules　of　the　Senate。　The　privilege　of　unrestricted　debate　was　not　originally　granted　by　those　rules　but　was　introduced　as　a　means　of　strengthening　the　power　of　sectional　resistance　to　obnoxious　legislation。

The　revision　of　the　rules　in　1885；　then；　was　not　designed　really　to　facilitate　action　by　the　House；　but　rather　to　effect　a　transfer　of　the　power　to　rule　the　House。　It　was　at　least　clear　that　under　the　proposed　changes　the　chairman　of　the　committee　on　appropriations　would　no　longer　retain　such　complete　mastery　as　Randall　had　wielded；　and　this　was　enough　to　insure　the　adoption　of　the　majority　report。　The　minority　report　opposed　this　weakening　of　control　on　the　ground　that　it　would　be　destructive　of　orderly　and　responsible　management　of　the　public　funds。　Everything　which　Randall　said　on　that　point　has　since　been　amply　confirmed　by　much　sad　experience。　Although　some　leading　Republicans；　among　whom　was　Joseph　G。　Cannon　of　Illinois；　argued　strongly　in　support　of　Randall's　views；　the　temper　of　the　House　was　such　that　the　majority　in　favor　of　the　change　was　overwhelming；　and　on　December　18；　1885；　the　Morrison　plan　was　finally　adopted　without　a　roll　call。

The　hope　that　the　change　in　organization　would　expedite　action　on　appropriation　bills；　was　promptly　disappointed。　Only　one　of　the　fourteen　regular　appropriation　bills　became　law　before　the　last　day　of　the　fiscal　year。　The　duress　to　which　the　House　was　subject　became　tighter　and　harder　than　before；　and　the　Speakership　entered　upon　a　development　unparalleled　in　constitutional　history。　The　Speaker　was　practically　in　a　position　to　determine　what　business　the　House　might　consider　and　what　it　might　not；　and　the　circumstances　were　such　as　to　breed　a　belief　that　it　was　his　duty　to　use　his　discretion　where　a　choice　presented　itself。　It　is　obvious　that；　when　on　the　floor　of　the　House　there　are　a　number　of　applicants　for　recognition；　the　Speaker　must　choose　between　them。　All　cannot　be　allowed　to　speak　at　once。　There　is　no　chance　to　apply　the　shop　rule；　〃first　come　first　served；〃　for　numerous　applications　for　the　floor　come　at　the　same　time。　Shall　the　Speaker　choose　at　random　or　according　to　some　definite　principle　of　selection？　In　view　of　the　Speaker's　interest　in　the　welfare　of　the　party　which　raised　him　to　the　office；　he　would　naturally　inquire　in　advance　the　purpose　for　which　the　recognition　of　the　chair　was　desired。　It　was　a　manifest　step　towards　orderly　procedure　in　session；　however；　when　instead　of　crowding　around　the　clerk's　desk　bawling　for　recognition；　members　applied　to　the　Speaker　in　advance。　In　Speaker　Blaine's　time；　this　had　become　a　regular　practice　and　ever　since　then；　a　throng　of　members　at　the　Speaker's　office　trying　to　arrange　with　him　for　recognition　has　been　a　daily　occurrence　during　a　legislative　session。　Samuel　W。　McCall；　in　his　work　on　〃The　Business　of　Congress；〃　says　that　the　Speaker　〃usually　scrutinizes　the　bill　and　the　committee's　report　upon　it；　and　in　case　of　doubt　he　sometimes　refers　them　to　a　member　in　whom　he　has　confidence；　for　a　more　careful　examination　than　he　himself　has　time　to　give。〃

Under　Speaker　Carlisle；　this　power　to　censor　proposals　was　made　conspicuous　through　the　factional　war　in　the　Democratic　party。　For　several　sessions　of　Congress；　a　bill　had　been　pending　to　repeal　the　internal　revenue　taxes　upon　tobacco；　and　it　had　such　support　that　it　might　have　passed　if　it　could　have　been　reached　for　consideration。　On　February　5；　1887；　a　letter　was　addressed　to　Speaker　Carlisle　by　three　prominent　Democrats：　Samuel　J。　Randall　of　Pennsylvania；　George　D。　Wise　of　Virginia；　and　John　S。　Henderson　of　North　Carolina；　saying：　〃At　the　instance　of　many　Democratic　members　of　the　House；　we　appeal　to　you　earnestly　to　recognize　on　Monday　next；　some　Democrat　who　will　move　to　suspend　the　rules　for　the　purpose　of　giving　the　House　an　opportunity　of　considering　the　question　of　the　total　repeal　of　the　internal　revenue　taxes　on　tobacco。〃　The　letter　went　on　to　argue　that　it　would　be　bad　policy　to　let　a　Republican　have　credit　for　a　proposal；　which　it　was　declared　〃will　command　more　votes　than　any　other　measure　pending　before　the　House　looking　towards　a　reduction　in　taxation；　and　favorable　action　on　this　proposition　will　not　interfere　with　other　efforts　that　are　being　made　to　reduce　the　burden　of　the　people。〃

Speaker　Carlisle；　however；　refused　to　allow　the　House　to　consider　the　matter　on　the　ground　that　negotiations　with　Randall　and　his　friends　for　concerted　party　action　had　so　far　been　fruitless。　〃Among　other　things；〃　he　wrote；　〃we　proposed　to　submit　the　entire　subject　to　a　caucus　of　our　political　friends；　with　the　understanding　that　all　parties　would　abide　by　the　result　of　its　action。。。。　We　have　received　no　response　to　that　communication；　and　I　consider　that　it　would　not　be　proper　under　the　circumstances　for　me　to　agree　to　a　course　of　action　which　would　present　to　the　House　a　simple　proposition　for　the　repeal　of　the　internal　revenue　tax　on　tobacco；　snuff　and　cigars；　to　the　exclusion　of　all　other　measures　for　the　reduction　of　taxation。〃　The　letter　closed　by　〃sincerely　hoping　that　some　plan　may　yet　be　devised　which　will　enable　the　House　to　consider　the　whole　subject　of　revenue　reduction。〃

No　one　was　less　of　an　autocrat　in　temper　and　habit　of　thought　than　Speaker　Carlisle；　and　he　assumed　this　position　in　deference　to　a　recognized　function　of　his　office；　supported　by　a　long　line　of　precedents。　The　case　was；　therefore；　a　signal　illustration　of　the　way　in　which　the　House　has　impaired　its　ability　to　consider　legislation　by　claiming　the　exclusive　privilege　of　proposing　legislation。　If　the　rules　had　allowed　the　President　to　propose　his　measures　directly　to　the　House；　then　the　way　would　have　been　opened　for　a　substitute　or　an　amendment。　As　it　was；　the　House　was　able　to　act　only　upon　matters　within　the　control　of　a　few　persons　advantageously　posted；　and　none　of　the　changes　of　rules　that　have　been　made　from　time　to　time　have　seriously　disturbed　this　fundamental　situation。

Notwithstanding　the　new　rules　adopted　in　December；　1885；　nothing　of　importance　was　accomplished　by　the　House。　On　February　15；　1886；　William　R。　Morrison　introduced　a　tariff　bill　making　a　moderate　reduction　in　rates　of　duty；　which；　after　considerable　amendment　in　the　committee　of　ways　and　means；　was　reported　to　the　House　on　the　12th　of　April；　but　no　further　action　was　taken　until　the　17th　of　June；　when　Morrison　moved　that　the　House　go　into　committee　of　the　whole　to　consider　the　bill。　Thirty…five　Democrats　voted　with　the　Republicans　against　the　motion；　which　was　defeated　by　157　nays　to　140　yeas。　No　further　attempt　was　made　to　take　up　the　bill　during　that　session；　and　in　the　ensuing　fall　Morrison　was　defeated　as　a　candidate　for　reelection。　Before　leaving　Congress　he　tried　once　more　to　obtain　consideration　of　his　bill　but　in　vain。　Just　as　that　Congress　was　expiring；　John　S。　Henderson　of　North　Carolina　was　at　last　allowed　to　move　a　suspension　of　the　rules　in　order　to　take　a　vote　on　a　bill　to　reduce　internal　revenue　taxes；　but　he　failed　to　obtain　the　two…thirds　vote　required　for　suspension　of　the　rules。

That　the　proceedings　of　the　Forty…ninth　Congress　were　not　entirely　fruitless；　was　mainly　due　to　the　initiative　and　address　of　the　Senate。　Some　important　measures　were　thus　pushed　through；　among　them　the　act　regulating　the　presidential　succession　and　the　act　creating　the　Interstate　Commerce　Commission。　The　first　of　these　provided　for　the　succession　of　the　heads　of　departments　in　turn；　in　case　of　the　removal；　death；　resignation；　or　inability　of　both　the　President　and　the　Vice…President。

The　most　marked　legislative　achievement　of　the　House　was　an　act　regulating　the　manufacture　and　sale　of　oleomargarine；　to　which　the　Senate　assented　with　some　amendment；　and　which　was　signed　with　reluctance　by　the　President；　after　a　special　message　to　the　House　sharply　criticizing　some　of　the　provisions　of　the