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第13章

the writings-5-第13章

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nonintervention by the government in the question of slavery in the

Territories; while history shows that they decided; in the cases

actually brought before them; in exactly the contrary way; and he

knows it。  Not only did they so decide at that time; but they stuck

to it during sixty years; through thick and thin; as long as there

was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage of political

action。  Through their whole course; from first to last; they clung

to freedom。  And now he asks the community to believe that the men of

the Revolution were in favor of his great principle; when we have the

naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject

matter of his principle; and utterly repudiated his principle; acting

upon a precisely contrary ground。  It is as impudent and absurd as if

a prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them

to convict A as the murderer of B; while B was walking alive before

them。



I say; again; if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution

acted upon principles by which; to be consistent with themselves;

they ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty; then; upon a

consideration of his own argument; he had a right to make ;you

believe that they understood the principles of government; but

misapplied them; that he has arisen to enlighten the world as to the

just application of this principle。  He has a right to try to

persuade you that he understands their principles better than they

did; and; therefore; he will apply them now; not as they did; but as

they ought to have done。  He has a right to go before the community

and try to convince them of this; but he has no right to attempt to

impose upon any one the belief that these men themselves approved of

his great principle。  There are two ways of establishing a

proposition。  One is by trying to demonstrate it upon reason; and the

other is; to show that great men in former times have thought so and

so; and thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority。  Now; if

Judge Douglas will demonstrate somehow that this is popular

sovereignty;the right of one man to make a slave of another;

without any right in that other or any one else to object;…

…demonstrate it as Euclid demonstrated propositions;there is no

objection。  But when he comes forward; seeking to carry a principle

by bringing to it the authority of men who themselves utterly

repudiate that principle; I ask that he shall not be permitted to do

it。



I see; in the judge's speech here; a short sentence in these words:

〃Our fathers; when they formed this government under which we live;

understood this question just as well; and even better than; we do

now。〃  That is true; I stick to that。  I will stand by Judge Douglas

in that to the bitter end。  And now; Judge Douglas; come and stand by

me; and truthfully show how they acted; understanding it better than

we do。  All I ask of you; Judge Douglas; is to stick to the

proposition that the men of the Revolution understood this subject

better than we do now; and with that better understanding they acted

better than you are trying to act now。



I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision; as

dealt with by Judge Douglas。  In that 〃memorable debate〃 between

Judge Douglas and myself; last year; the judge thought fit to

commence a process of catechising me; and at Freeport I answered his

questions; and propounded some to him。  Among others propounded to

him was one that I have here now。  The substance; as I remember it;

is; 〃Can the people of a United States Territory; under the Dred

Scott decision; in any lawful way; against the wish of any citizen of

the United States; exclude slavery from its limits; prior to the

formation of a State constitution?〃  He answered that they could

lawfully exclude slavery from the United States Territories;

notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision。  There was something about

that answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge ever since。



The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United

States a right to carry his slaves into the United States

Territories。  And now there was some inconsistency in saying that the

decision was right; and saying; too; that the people of the Territory

could lawfully drive slavery out again。  When all the trash; the

words; the collateral matter; was cleared away from it; all the chaff

was fanned out of it; it was a bare absurdity;no less than that a

thing may be lawfully driven away from where it has a lawful right to

be。  Clear it of all the verbiage; and that is the naked truth of his

proposition;that a thing may be lawfully driven from the place

where it has a lawful right to stay。  Well; it was because the judge

could n't help seeing this that he has had so much trouble with it;

and what I want to ask your especial attention to; just now; is to

remind you; if you have not noticed the fact; that the judge does not

any longer say that the people can exclude slavery。  He does not say

so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in the speech that he

made here; and; so far as I know; since his re…election to the Senate

he has never said; as he did at Freeport; that the people of the

Territories can exclude slavery。  He desires that you; who wish the

Territories to remain free; should believe that he stands by that

position; but he does not say it himself。  He escapes to some extent

the absurd position I have stated; by changing his language entirely。

What he says now is something different in language; and we will

consider whether it is not different in sense too。  It is now that

the Dred Scott decision; or rather the Constitution under that

decision; does not carry slavery into the Territories beyond the

power of the people of the Territories to control it as other

property。  He does not say the people can drive it out; but they can

control it as other property。  The language is different; we should

consider whether the sense is different。  Driving a horse out of this

lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; it is putting

him on the other side of the fence。  Or it might be a sort of

exclusion of him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the

worms devour him; but neither of these things is the same as

〃controlling him as other property。〃  That would be to feed him; to

pamper him; to ride him; to use and abuse him; to make the most money

out of him; 〃as other property〃; but; please you; what do the men who

are in favor of slavery want more than this?  What do they really

want; other than that slavery; being in the Territories; shall be

controlled as other property?  If they want anything else; I do not

comprehend it。  I ask your attention to this; first; for the purpose

of pointing out the change of ground the judge has made; and; in the

second place; the importance of the change;that that change is not

such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular sovereignty the

power to exclude the institution or drive it out at all。  I know the

judge sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it as

other property by unfriendly legislation they may control it to

death; as you might; in the case of a horse; perhaps; feed him so

lightly and ride him so much that he would die。  But when you come to

legislative control; there is something more to be attended to。 I

have no doubt; myself; that if the Territories should undertake to

control slave property as other property that is; control it in such

a way that it would be the most valuable as property; and make it

bear its just proportion in the way of burdens as property; really

deal with it as property;the Supreme Court of the United States

will say; 〃God speed you; and amen。〃  But I undertake to give the

opinion; at least; that if the Territories attempt by any direct

legislation to drive the man with his slave out of the Territory; or

to decide that his slave is free because of his being tak

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