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第28章

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any case; we should do so upon evidence so conclusive; and argument

so clear; that even their great authority; fairly considered and

weighed; cannot stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we

ourselves declare they understood the question better than we。



If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of

local from Federal authority; or any part of the Constitution;

forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the

Federal Territories; he is right to say so; and to enforce his

position by all truthful evidence and fair argument which he can。

But he has no right to mislead others who have less access to

history; and less leisure to study it; into the false belief that

〃our fathers who framed the Government under which we live〃 were of

the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and deception for

truthful evidence and fair argument。  If any man at this day

sincerely believes 〃our fathers; who framed the Government under

which we live;〃 used and applied principles; in other cases; which

ought to have led them to understand that a proper division of local

from Federal authority; or some part of the Constitution; forbids the

Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal

Territories; he is right to say so。  But he should; at the same time;

brave the responsibility of declaring that; in his opinion; he

understands their principles better than they did themselves; and

especially should he not shirk that responsibility by asserting that

they 〃understood the question just as well; and even better than we

do now。〃



But enough!  Let all who believe that 〃our fathers; who framed the

Government under which we live; understood this question just as

well; and even better than we do now;〃 speak as they spoke; and act

as they acted upon it。  This is all Republicans askall Republicans

desirein relation to slavery。  As those fathers marked it; so let

it be again marked; as an evil not to be extended; but to be

tolerated and protected only because of; and so far as; its actual

presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity。

Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be not grudgingly; but

fully and fairly maintained。 For this Republicans contend; and with

this; so far as I know or believe; they will be content。



And now; if they would listenas I suppose they will notI would

address a few words to the Southern people。



I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just

people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and

justice you are not inferior to any other people。  Still; when you

speak of us Republicans; you do so only to denounce us as reptiles;

or; at the best; as no better than outlaws。  You will grant a hearing

to pirates or murderers; but nothing like it to 〃Black Republicans。〃

In all your contentions with one another; each of you deems an

unconditional condemnation of 〃Black Republicanism〃 as the first

thing to be attended to。  Indeed; such condemnation of us seems to be

an indispensable prerequisite license; so to speak among you; to be

admitted or permitted to speak at all: Now; can you; or not; be

prevailed upon to pause; and to consider whether this is quite just

to us; or even to yourselves?  Bring forward your charges and

specifications; and then be patient long enough to hear us deny or

justify。



You say we are sectional。  We deny it。  That makes an issue; and the

burden of proof is upon you。  You produce your proof; and what is it?

Why; that our party has no existence in your sectiongets no votes

in your section。  The fact is substantially true; but does it prove

the issue?  If it does; then in case we should; without change of

principle; begin to get votes in your section; we should thereby

cease to be sectional。  You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet;

are you willing to abide by it?  If you are; you will probably soon

find that we have ceased to be sectional; for we shall get votes in

your section this very year。  You will then begin to discover; as the

truth plainly is; that your proof; does not touch the issue。 The fact

that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your making; and

not of ours。  And if there be fault in that fact; that fault is

primarily yours; and remains so until you show that we repel you by;

some wrong principle or practice。  If we do repel you by any wrong

principle or practice; the fault is ours; but this brings you to

where you ought to have started to a discussion of the right or wrong

of our principle。  If our principle; put in practice; would wrong

your section for the benefit of ours; or for any other object; then

our principle; and we with it; are sectional; and are justly opposed

and denounced as such。 Meet us; then; on the question of whether our

principle; put in practice; would wrong your section; and so meet us

as if it were possible that something may be said on our side。  Do

you accept the challenge?  No!  Then you really believe that the

principle which 〃our fathers who framed the Government under which we

live〃 thought so clearly right as to adopt it; and indorse it again

and again; upon their official oaths; is in fact so clearly wrong as

to demand your condemnation without a moment's consideration。



Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against

sectional parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address。  Less

than eight years before Washington gave that warning; he had; as

President of the United States; approved and signed an act of

Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern

Territory; which act embodied the policy of the Government upon that

subject up to; and at; the very moment he penned that warning; and

about one year after he penned it; he wrote La Fayette that he

considered that prohibition a wise measure; expressing in the same

connection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of

free States。



Bearing this in mind; and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen

upon this same subject; is that warning a weapon in your hands

against us; or in our hands against you?  Could Washington himself

speak; would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us; who

sustain his policy; or upon you; who repudiate it?  We respect that

warning of Washington; and we commend it to you; together with his

example pointing to the right application of it。



But you say you are conservativeeminently conservativewhile we

are revolutionary; destructive; or something; of the sort。  What is

conservatism?  Is it not adherence to the old and tried; against a

new and untried?  We stick to; contend for; the identical old policy

on the point in controversy which was adopted by 〃our fathers who

framed the Government under which we live〃; while you with one accord

reject; and scout; and spit upon that old policy and insist upon

substituting something new。  True; you disagree among yourselves as

to what that substitute shall be。  You are divided on new

propositions and plans; but you are unanimous in rejecting and

denouncing the old policy of the fathers。  Some of you are for

reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a Congressional slave code

for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the Territories to

prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in

the Territories through the judiciary; some for the 〃gur…reat

pur…rinciple〃 that 〃if one man would enslave another; no third man

should object;〃 fantastically called 〃popular sovereignty〃; but never

a man among you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal

Territories; according to the practice of 〃our fathers who framed the

Government under which we live。〃  Not one of all your various plans

can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our

Government originated。  Consider; then; whether your claim of

conservatism for yourselves; and your charge of destructiveness

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