the writings-5-第3章

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by　the　self…styled　author　of　Popular　Sovereignty；　we　have　had　nothing

but　ill…feeling　and　agitation。　　According　to　Judge　Douglas；　the

passage　of　the　Nebraska　bill　would　tranquilize　the　whole　country

there　would　be　no　more　slavery　agitation　in　or　out　of　Congress；　and

the　vexed　question　would　be　left　entirely　to　the　people　of　the

Territories。　　Such　was　the　opinion　of　Judge　Douglas；　and　such　were

the　opinions　of　the　leading　men　of　the　Democratic　Party。　　Even　as

late　as　the　spring　of　1856　Mr。　Buchanan　said；　a　short　time　subsequent

to　his　nomination　by　the　Cincinnati　convention；　that　the　territory　of

Kansas　would　be　tranquil　in　less　than　six　weeks。　　Perhaps　he　thought

so；　but　Kansas　has　not　been　and　is　not　tranquil；　and　it　may　be　a　long

time　before　she　may　be　so。



We　all　know　how　fierce　the　agitation　was　in　Congress　last　winter；　and

what　a　narrow　escape　Kansas　had　from　being　admitted　into　the　Union

with　a　constitution　that　was　detested　by　ninety…nine　hundredths　of

her　citizens。　　Did　the　angry　debates　which　took　place　at　Washington

during　the　last　season　of　Congress　lead　you　to　suppose　that　the

slavery　agitation　was　settled？



An　election　was　held　in　Kansas　in　the　month　of　August；　and　the

constitution　which　was　submitted　to　the　people　was　voted　down　by　a

large　majority。　　So　Kansas　is　still　out　of　the　Union；　and　there　is　a

probability　that　she　will　remain　out　for　some　time。　　But　Judge

Douglas　says　the　slavery　question　is　settled。　　He　says　the　bill　he

introduced　into　the　Senate　of　the　United　States　on　the　4th　day　of

January；　1854；　settled　the　slavery　question　forever！　Perhaps　he　can

tell　us　how　that　bill　settled　the　slavery　question；　for　if　he　is　able

to　settle　a　question　of　such　great　magnitude　he　ought　to　be　able　to

explain　the　manner　in　which　he　does　it。　　He　knows　and　you　know　that

the　question　is　not　settled；　and　that　his　ill…timed　experiment　to

settle　it　has　made　it　worse　than　it　ever　was　before。



And　now　let　me　say　a　few　words　in　regard　to　Douglas's　great　hobby　of

negro　equality。　　He　thinkshe　says　at　leastthat　the　Republican

party　is　in　favor　of　allowing　whites　and　blacks　to　intermarry；　and

that　a　man　can't　be　a　good　Republican　unless　he　is　willing　to　elevate

black　men　to　office　and　to　associate　with　them　on　terms　of　perfect

equality。　　He　knows　that　we　advocate　no　such　doctrines　as　these；　but

he　cares　not　how　much　he　misrepresents　us　if　he　can　gain　a　few　votes

by　so　doing。　　To　show　you　what　my　opinion　of　negro　equality　was　in

times　past；　and　to　prove　to　you　that　I　stand　on　that　question　where　I

always　stood；　I　will　read　you　a　few　extracts　from　a　speech　that　was

made　by　me　in　Peoria　in　1854。　　It　was　made　in　reply　to　one　of　Judge

Douglas's　speeches。



（Mr。　Lincoln　then　read　a　number　of　extracts　which　had　the　ring　of　the

true　metal。　　We　have　rarely　heard　anything　with　which　we　have　been

more　pleased。　　And　the　audience　after　hearing　the　extracts　read；　and

comparing　their　conservative　sentiments　with　those　now　advocated　by

Mr。　Lincoln；　testified　their　approval　by　loud　applause。　　How　any

reasonable　man　can　hear　one　of　Mr。　Lincoln's　speeches　without　being

converted　to　Republicanism　is　something　that　we　can't　account　for。

Ed。）



Slavery；　continued　Mr。　Lincoln；　is　not　a　matter　of　little　importance；

it　overshadows　every　other　question　in　which　we　are　interested。　　It

has　divided　the　Methodist　and　Presbyterian　churches；　and　has　sown

discord　in　the　American　Tract　Society。　　The　churches　have　split　and

the　society　will　follow　their　example　before　long。　　So　it　will　be

seen　that　slavery　is　agitated　in　the　religious　as　well　as　in　the

political　world。

Judge　Douglas　is　very　much　afraid　in　the　triumph　that　the　Republican

party　will　lead　to　a　general　mixture　of　the　white　and　black　races。

Perhaps　I　am　wrong　in　saying　that　he　is　afraid；　so　I　will　correct

myself　by　saying　that　he　pretends　to　fear　that　the　success　of　our

party　will　result　in　the　amalgamation　of　the　blacks　and　whites。　　I

think　I　can　show　plainly；　from　documents　now　before　me；　that　Judge

Douglas's　fears　are　groundless。　　The　census　of　1800　tells　us　that　in

that　year　there　were　over　four　hundred　thousand　mulattoes　in　the

United　States。　　Now　let　us　take　what　is　called　an　Abolition　State

the　Republican；　slavery…hating　State　of　New　Hampshireand　see　how

many　mulattoes　we　can　find　within　her　borders。　　The　number　amounts　to

just　one　hundred　and　eighty…four。　　In　the　Old　Dominionin　the

Democratic　and　aristocratic　State　of　Virginiathere　were　a　few　more

mulattoes　than　the　Census…takers　found　in　New　Hampshire。　　How　many　do

you　suppose　there　were？　Seventy…nine　thousand；　seven　hundred　and

seventy…fivetwenty…three　thousand　more　than　there　were　in　all　the

free　States！　　In　the　slave　States　there　were　in　1800；　three

hundred　and　forty…eight　thousand　mulattoes　all　of　home　production；

and　in　the　free　States　there　were　less　than　sixty　thousand　mulattoes

and　a　large　number　of　them　were　imported　from　the　South。









FRAGMENT　OF　SPEECH　AT　EDWARDSVILLE；　ILL。；



SEPT。　13；　1858。



I　have　been　requested　to　give　a　concise　statement　of　the　difference；

as　I　understand　it；　between　the　Democratic　and　Republican　parties；　on

the　leading　issues　of　the　campaign。　　This　question　has　been　put　to　me

by　a　gentleman　whom　I　do　not　know。　　I　do　not　even　know　whether　he　is

a　friend　of　mine　or　a　supporter　of　Judge　Douglas　in　this　contest；　nor

does　that　make　any　difference。　　His　question　is　a　proper　one。　　Lest　I

should　forget　it；　I　will　give　you　my　answer　before　proceeding　with

the　line　of　argument　I　have　marked　out　for　this　discussion。



The　difference　between　the　Republican　and　the　Democratic　parties　on

the　leading　issues　of　this　contest；　as　I　understand　it；　is　that　the

former　consider　slavery　a　moral；　social　and　political　wrong；　while

the　latter　do　not　consider　it　either　a　moral；　a　social　or　a　political

wrong；　and　the　action　of　each；　as　respects　the　growth　of　the　country

and　the　expansion　of　our　population；　is　squared　to　meet　these　views。

I　will　not　affirm　that　the　Democratic　party　consider　slavery　morally；

socially　and　politically　right；　though　their　tendency　to　that　view

has；　in　my　opinion；　been　constant　and　unmistakable　for　the　past　five

years。　　I　prefer　to　take；　as　the　accepted　maxim　of　the　party；　the

idea　put　forth　by　Judge　Douglas；　that　he　don't　care　whether　slavery

is　voted　down　or　voted　up。〃　I　am　quite　willing　to　believe　that　many

Democrats　would　prefer　that　slavery　should　be　always　voted　down；　and

I　know　that　some　prefer　that　it　be　always　voted　up〃；　but　I　have　a

right　to　insist　that　their　action；　especially　if　it　be　their　constant

action；　shall　determine　their　ideas　and　preferences　on　this　subject。

Every　measure　of　the　Democratic　party　of　late　years；　bearing　directly

or　indirectly　on　the　slavery　question；　has　corresponded　with　this

notion　of　utter　indifference　whether　slavery　or　freedom　shall　outrun

in　the　race　of　empire　across　to　the　Pacificevery　measure；　I　say；　up

to　the　Dred　Scott　decision；　where；　it　seems　to　me；　the　idea　is　boldly

suggested　that　slavery　is　better　than　freedom。　　The　Republican　party；

on　the　contrary；　hold　that　this　government　was　instituted　to　secure

the　blessings　of　freedom；　and　that　slavery　is　an　unqualified　evil　to

the　negro；　to　the　white　man；　to　the　soil；　and　to　the　State。

Regarding　it　as　an　evil；　they　will　not　molest　it　in　the　States　where

it　exists；　they　will　not　overlook　the　constitutional　guards　which　our

fathers　placed　around　it；　they　will　do　nothing　that　can　give　proper

offence　to　those　who　hold　slaves　by　legal　sanction；　but　they　will　use

every　constitutional　method　to　prevent　the　evil　from　becoming　larger

and　involving　more　negroes；　more　white　men；　more　soil；　and　more

States　in　its　deplorable　consequences。　　They　will；　if　possible；　place

it　where　the　public　mind　shall　rest　in　the　belief　that　it　is　in

course　of　ultimate　peaceable　extinction　in　God's　own　good　time。　　And

to　this　end　they　will；　if　possible；　restore　the　gove