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第31章

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been silenced; the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded;

and nothing be left to resist the demand。  It is nothing to the

contrary; that they do not demand the whole of this just now。

Demanding what they do; and for the reason they do; they can

voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation。  Holding; as

they do; that slavery is morally right; and socially elevating; they

cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it; as a legal

right and a social blessing。



Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our

conviction that slavery is wrong。  If slavery is right; all words;

acts; laws; and constitutions against it are themselves wrong; and

should be silenced and swept away。  If it is right; we cannot justly

object to its nationality its universality; if it is wrong; they

cannot justly insist upon its extensionits enlargement。  All they

ask we could readily grant if we thought slavery right; all we ask

they could as readily grant; if they thought it wrong。  Their

thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact upon

which depends the whole controversy。  Thinking it right; as they do;

they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition; as being

right; but thinking it wrong; as we do; can we yield to them?  Can we

cast our votes with their view; and against our own?  In view of our

moral; social; and political responsibilities; can we do this?  Wrong

as we think slavery is; we can yet afford to let it alone where it

is; because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual

presence in the nation; but can we; while our votes will prevent it;

allow it to spread into the national Territories; and to overrun us

here in these free States?  If our sense of duty forbids this; then

let us stand by our duty; fearlessly and effectively。  Let us be

diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are

so industriously plied and belabored…contrivances such as groping for

some middle ground between the right and the wrong; vain as the

search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead

man…such as a policy of 〃don't care〃 on a question about which all

true men do caresuch as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to

yield to Disunionists; reversing the divine rule; and calling; not

the sinners; but the righteous to repentancesuch as invocations to

Washington; imploring men to unsay what Washington said; and undo

what Washington did。



Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations

against us; nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the

Government nor of dungeons to ourselves。 LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT

MAKES MIGHT; AND IN THAT FAITH LET US; TO THE END; DARE TO DO OUR

DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT。









SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN; CONNECTICUT; MARCH 6; 1860



MR。 PRESIDENT; AND FELLOW…CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:If the Republican

party of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to

its keeping; it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the

affairs of national housekeeping。  Whatever matters of importance may

come up; whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration

of the Government; that party will then have to attend to。  It will

then be compelled to attend to other questions; besides this question

which now assumes an overwhelming importancethe question of

slavery。  It is true that in the organization of the Republican party

this question of slavery was more important than any other: indeed;

so much more important has it become that no more national question

can even get a hearing just at present。  The old question of tariff…

…a matter that will remain one of the chief affairs of national

house…keeping to all time; the question of the management of

financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the public

domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well

settled; and of making there the homes of a free and happy people?

these will remain open and require attention for a great while yet;

and these questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has

the control of the Government。  Yet; just now; they cannot even

obtain a hearing; and I do not propose to detain you upon these

topics or what sort of hearing they should have when opportunity

shall come。



For; whether we will or not; the question of slavery is the question;

the all…absorbing topic of the day。 It is true that all of usand by

that I mean; not the Republican party alone; but the whole American

people; here and elsewhereall of us wish this question settled;

wish it out of the way。 It stands in the way; and prevents the

adjustment; and the giving of necessary attention to other questions

of national house…keeping。 The people of the whole nation agree that

this question ought to be settled; and yet it is not settled。  And

the reason is that they are not yet agreed how it shall be settled。

All wish it done; but some wish one way and some another; and some a

third; or fourth; or fifth; different bodies are pulling in different

directions; and none of them; having a decided majority; are able to

accomplish the common object。



In the beginning of the year 1854; a new policy was inaugurated with

the avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and

forever put an end to the slavery agitation。  It was again and again

declared that under this policy; when once successfully established;

the country would be forever rid of this whole question。  Yet under

the operation of that policy this agitation has not only not ceased;

but it has been constantly augmented。  And this too; although; from

the day of its introduction; its friends; who promised that it would

wholly end all agitation; constantly insisted; down to the time that

the Lecompton Bill was introduced; that it was working admirably; and

that its inevitable tendency was to remove the question forever from

the politics of the country。  Can you call to mind any Democratic

speech; made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; down to the

time of the Lecompton Bill; in which it was not predicted that the

slavery agitation was just at an end; that 〃the abolition excitement

was played out;〃 〃the Kansas question was dead;〃 〃they have made the

most they can out of this question and it is now forever settled〃?

But since the Lecompton Bill no Democrat; within my experience; has

ever pretended that he could see the end。 That cry has been dropped。

They themselves do not pretend; now; that the agitation of this

subject has come to an end yet。



The truth is that this question is one of national importance; and we

cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it; whether

we will or not。  We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot

avoid considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live

without eating。  It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as

much and closely as the natural wants attach to our natural bodies。

Now I think it important that this matter should be taken up in

earnest; and really settled: And one way to bring about a true

settlement of the question is to understand its true magnitude。



There have been many efforts made to settle it。  Again and again it

has been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks

out afresh; and more violently than ever。  It was settled; our

fathers hoped; by the Missouri Compromise; but it did not stay

settled。  Then the compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and

final settlement of the question。  The two great parties; each in

national convention; adopted resolutions declaring that the

settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 was a finality that it

would last forever。  Yet how long before it was unsettled again?

It broke out again in 1854; and blazed higher and raged more

furiously than ever before; and the agitation has not rested since。



These repeated settlements must have some faults abo

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