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第33章

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advocate 'Douglas' has said; 〃I don't care whether it be voted up or

down。〃 〃It is merely a matter of dollars and cents。〃 〃The Almighty

has drawn a line across this continent; on one side of which all soil

must forever be cultivated by slave labor; and on the other by free。〃

〃When the struggle is between the white man and the negro; I am for

the white man; when it is between the negro and the crocodile; I am

for the negro。〃 Its central idea is indifference。   It holds that it

makes no more difference to us whether the Territories become free or

slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned

cattle or puts in tobacco。  All recognize this policy; the plausible

sugar…coated name of which is 〃popular sovereignty。〃



This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of

the question。  I believe there is no danger of its becoming the

permanent policy of the country; for it is based on a public

indifference。  There is nobody that 〃don't care。〃 All the people do

care one way or the other!  I do not charge that its author; when he

says he 〃don't care;〃 states his individual opinion; he only

expresses his policy for the government。  I understand that he has

never said as an individual whether he thought slavery right or

wrongand he is the only man in the nation that has not! Now such a

policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as necessary to the

political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly baseless:

the people are not indifferent; and it can therefore have no

durability or permanence。



But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public

opinion that shall say; 〃We don't care。〃 There must be a change in

public opinion; the public mind must be so far debauched as to square

with this policy of caring not at all。  The people must come to

consider this as 〃merely a question of dollars and cents;〃 and to

believe that in some places the Almighty has made slavery necessarily

eternal。  This policy can be brought to prevail if the people can be

brought round to say honestly; 〃We don't care〃; if not; it can never

be maintained。  It is for you to say whether that can be done。



You are ready to say it cannot; but be not too fast! Remember what a

long stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri

Compromise! Do you know of any Democrat; of either branch of the

partydo you know one who declares that he believes that the

Declaration of Independence has any application to the negro? Judge

Taney declares that it has not; and Judge Douglas even vilifies me

personally and scolds me roundly for saying that the Declaration

applies to all men; and that negroes are men。   Is there a Democrat

here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the negro? Do

any of you know of one? Well; I have tried before perhaps fifty

audiences; some larger and some smaller than this; to find one such

Democrat; and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him

right in that。  I must assume that Democrats hold that; and now; not

one of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I

venture to defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered

the belief that the Declaration did not apply to negroes; before the

repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all

thought negroes were men; and that when 〃all men〃 were named; negroes

were included。  But the whole Democratic party has deliberately taken

negroes from the class of men and put them in the class of brutes。

Turn it as you will it is simply the truth! Don't be too hasty; then;

in saying that the people cannot be brought to this new doctrine; but

note that long stride。  One more as long completes the journey from

where negroes are estimated as men to where they are estimated as

mere brutesas rightful property!



That saying 〃In the struggle between white men and the negro;〃 etc。;

which I know came from the same source as this policythat saying

marks another step。  There is a falsehood wrapped up in that

statement。  〃In the struggle between the white man and the negro〃

assumes that there is a struggle; in which either the white man must

enslave the negro or the negro must enslave the white。  There is no

such struggle! It is merely the ingenious falsehood to degrade and

brutalize the negro。  Let each let the other alone; and there is no

struggle about it。  If it was like two wrecked seamen on a narrow

plank; when each must push the other off or drown himself; I would

push the negro off or a white man either; but it is not; the plank is

large enough for both。  This good earth is plenty broad enough for

white man and negro both; and there is no need of either pushing the

other off。



So that saying; 〃In the struggle between the negro and the

crocodile;〃 etc。; is made up from the idea that down where the

crocodile inhabits; a white man can't labor; it must be nothing else

but crocodile or negro; if the negro does not the crocodile must

possess the earth; in that case he declares for the negro。  The

meaning of the whole is just this: As a white man is to a negro; so

is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may rightfully treat the

crocodile; so may the white man rightfully treat the negro。   This

very dear phrase coined by its author; and so dear that he

deliberately repeats it in many speeches; has a tendency to still

further brutalize the negro; and to bring public opinion to the point

of utter indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not。

When that time shall come; if ever; I think that policy to which I

refer may prevail。  But I hope the good freemen of this country will

never allow it to come; and until then the policy can never be

maintained。



Now consider the effect of this policy。  We in the States are not to

care whether freedom or slavery gets the better; but the people in

the Territories may care。  They are to decide; and they may think

what they please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not

the people of the Territories detailed from the States? If this

feeling of indifference this absence of moral sense about the

question prevails in the States; will it not be carried into the

Territories? Will not every man say; 〃I don't care; it is nothing to

me〃? If any one comes that wants slavery; must they not say; 〃I don't

care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted down〃? It

results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery。  Even if

fairly carried out; that policy is just as certain to nationalize

slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself。  These are only two

roads to the same goal; and 〃popular sovereignty〃 is just as sure and

almost as short as the other。



What we want; and all we want; is to have with us the men who think

slavery wrong。  But those who say they hate slavery; and are opposed

to it; but yet act with the Democratic partywhere are they? Let us

apply a few tests。  You say that you think slavery is wrong; but you

denounce all attempts to restrain it。  Is there anything else that

you think wrong that you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why

are you so careful; so tender; of this one wrong and no other? You

will not let us do a single thing as if it was wrong; there is no

place where you will even allow it to be called wrong! We must not

call it wrong in the free States; because it is not there; and we

must not call it wrong in the slave States; because it is there; we

must not call it wrong in politics because that is bringing morality

into politics; and we must not call it wrong in the pulpit because

that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring it into

the Tract Society or the other societies; because those are such

unsuitable placesand there is no single place; according to you;

where this wrong thing can properly be called wrong!



Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should

themselves set on foot an effort for emancipatio

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