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第36章

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you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the

fathers。  Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave…trade; some

for a congressional slave code for the Territories; some for Congress

forbidding the Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits;

some for maintaining slavery in the Territories through the

judiciary; some for the 〃gur…reat pur…rinciple〃 that if one man would

enslave another; no third man should objectfantastically called

〃popular sovereignty。〃 But never a man among you in favor of

prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories; according to the

practice of our fathers who framed the Government under which we

live。  Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an

advocate in the century within which our Government originated。   And

yet you draw yourselves up and say; 〃We are eminently conservative。〃



It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy

shall be at peace; and in harmony one with another。  Let us

Republicans do our part to have it so。  Even though much provoked;

let us do nothing through passion and ill…temper。  Even though the

Southern people will not so much as listen to us; let us calmly

consider their demands; and yield to them if; in our deliberate view

of our duty; we possibly can。  Judging by all they say and do; and by

the subject and nature of their controversy with us; let us

determine; if we can; what will satisfy them。



Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally

surrendered to them? We know they will not。  In all their present

complaints against us; the Territories are scarcely mentioned。

Invasions and insurrections are the rage now。  Will it satisfy them;

in the future; if we have nothing to do with invasions and

insurrections? We know it will not。  We so know because we know we

never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet

this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the

denunciation。



The question recurs; what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not

only let them alone; but we must; somehow; convince them that we do

let them alone。  This; we know by experience; is no easy task。  We

have been so trying to convince them; from the very beginning of our

organization; but with no success。  In all our platforms and

speeches; we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone;

but this had no tendency to convince them。  Alike unavailing to

convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us

in any attempt to disturb them。



These natural and apparently adequate means all failing; what will

convince them? This; and this only: cease to call slavery wrong; and

join them in calling it right。  And this must be done thoroughly

done in acts as well as in words。  Silence will not be toleratedwe

must place ourselves avowedly with them。  Douglas's new sedition law

must be enacted and enforced; suppressing all declarations that

slavery is wrong; whether made in politics; in presses; in pulpits;

or in private。   We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with

greedy pleasure。  We must pull down our free State constitutions。

The whole atmosphere must be disinfected of all taint of opposition

to slavery; before they will cease to believe that all their troubles

proceed from us。  So long as we call slavery wrong; whenever a slave

runs away they will overlook the obvious fact that be ran away

because he was oppressed; and declare he was stolen off。  Whenever a

master cuts his slaves with a lash; and they cry out under it; he

will overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because they

are hurt; and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally

abolitionist。



I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this

way。  Most of them would probably say to us; 〃Let us alone; do

nothing to us; and say what you please about slavery。〃 But we do let

them alonehave never disturbed themso that; after all; it is what

we say which dissatisfies them。  They will continue to accuse us of

doing; until we cease saying。



I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the

overthrow of our free…State constitutions。  Yet those constitutions

declare the wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all

other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have

been silenced; the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded。

It is nothing to the contrary that they do not demand the whole of

this just now。  Demanding what they do; and for the reason they do;

they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation。

Holding as they do that slavery is morally right; and socially

elevating; they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of

it; as a legal right; and a social blessing。



Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our

conviction that slavery is wrong。  If slavery is right; all words;

acts; laws; and constitutions against it are themselves wrong and

should be silenced and swept away。  If it is right; we cannot justly

object to its nationalityits universality: if it is wrong; they

cannot justly insist upon its extensionits enlargement。  All they

ask; we could readily grant; if we thought slavery right; all we ask;

they could as readily grant; if they thought it wrong。  Their

thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact on

which depends the whole controversy。  Thinking it right as they do;

they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition; as being

right; but; thinking it wrong; as we do; can we yield to them? Can we

cast our votes with their view; and against our own? In view of our

moral; social; and political responsibilities; can we do this?



Wrong as we think slavery is; we can yet afford to let it alone where

it is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its

actual presence m the nation; but can we; while our votes will

prevent it; allow it to spread into the national Territories; and to

overrun us here in these free States?



If our sense of duty forbids this; then let us stand by our duty;

fearlessly and effectively。  Let us be diverted by none of those

sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and

belaboredcontrivances such as groping for some middle ground

between the right and the wrong; vain as the search for a man who

would be neither a living man nor a dead mansuch as a policy of

〃don't care〃 on a question about which all free men do caresuch as

Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists;

reversing the divine rule; and caning; not the sinners; but the

righteous to repentancesuch as invocations of Washington; imploring

men to unsay what Washington did。



Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations

against us; nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the

Government; nor of dungeons to ourselves。  Let us have faith that

right makes might; and in that faith; let us; to the end; dare to do

our duty as we understand it。



'As Mr。 Lincoln concluded his address; there was witnessed the

wildest scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven

for years。  The Palladium editorially says: 〃We give up most of our

space to…day to a very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON。

Abraham Lincoln; of Illinois; delivered last night at Union Hall。〃'









RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY



TO ________________

March 16; 1860



As to your kind wishes for myself; allow me to say I cannot enter the

ring on the money basisfirst; because in the main it is wrong; and

secondly; I have not and cannot get the money。



I say; in the main; the use of money is wrong; but for certain

objects in a political contest; the use of some is both right and

indispensable。  With me; as with yourself; the long struggle has been

one of great pecuniary loss。



I now distinctly 

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