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第59章

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could say nothing。  He added that you were expected to arrive in two

weeks。  Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the

expediency of waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to

bring。



Mr。 Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial

explanations made in Parliament。



You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to

seek explanations when necessary and communicate them to this

department。 'We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever

issue may arise between us and Great Britain。'



The President 'is surprised and grieved' regrets that Mr。 Dallas did

not protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the

British Government and the missionaries of the insurgents 'as well as

against the demand for explanations made by the British Government'。

It is due; however; to Mr。 Dallas to say that our instructions had

been given only to you and not to him; and that his loyalty and

fidelity; too rare in these times 'among our late representatives

abroad; are confessed and'  are appreciated。



Intercourse of any kind with the so…called commissioners is liable to

be construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them。

Such intercourse would be none the less 'wrongful' hurtful to us for

being called unofficial; and it might be even more injurious; because

we should have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by

it。  Moreover; unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if

it is not expected to ripen into official intercourse and direct

recognition。  It is left doubtful here whether the proposed

unofficial intercourse has yet actually begun。 Your own 'present'

antecedent instructions are deemed explicit enough; and it is hoped

that you have not misunderstood them。  You will in any event desist

from all intercourse whatever; unofficial as well as official; with

the British Government; so long as it shall continue intercourse of

either kind with the domestic enemies of this country 'confining

yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary of

State。 After doing this。'  When intercourse shall have been arrested

for this cause; you will communicate with this department and receive

further directions。



Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the

British and French governments that they will act together in regard

to our affairs。  This communication; however; loses something of its

value from the circumstance that the communication was withheld until

after knowledge of the fact had been acquired by us from other

sources。  We know also another fact that has not yet been officially

communicated to usnamely; that other European States are apprised

by France and England of their agreement; and are expected to concur

with or follow them in whatever measures they adopt on the subject of

recognition。 The United States have been impartial and just in all

their conduct toward the several nations of Europe。  They will not

complain; however; of the combination now announced by the two

leading powers; although they think they had a right to expect a more

independent; if not a more friendly; course from each of them。  You

will take no notice of that or any other alliance。  Whenever the

European governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us;

we shall be; as heretofore; frank and explicit in our reply。



As to the blockade; you will say that by 'the' our own laws 'of

nature' and the laws of nature and the laws of nations; this

Government has a clear right to suppress insurrection。  An exclusion

of commerce from national ports which have been seized by the

insurgents; in the equitable form of blockade; is the proper means to

that end。  You will 'admit' not insist that our blockade is 'not' to

be respected if it be not maintained by a competent force; but

passing by that question as not now a practical; or at least an

urgent; one; you will add that 'it' the blockade is now; and it will

continue to be so maintained; and therefore we expect it to be

respected by Great Britain。  You will add that we have already

revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the

military service of the insurgents; and we shall dismiss or demand

the recall of every foreign agent; consular or diplomatic; who shall

either disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority。



As to the recognition of the so…called Southern Confederacy; it is

not to be made a subject of technical definition。  It is; of course;

'quasi direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the

sovereignty and independence of a new power。 It is 'quasi' direct

recognition to receive its ambassadors; ministers; agents; or

commissioners officially。  A concession of belligerent rights is

liable to be construed as a recognition of them。  No one of these

proceedings will 'be borne' pass 'unnoticed' unquestioned by the

United States in this case。



Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the

so…called Confederate States are de facto a self…sustaining power。

Now; after long forbearance; designed to soothe discontent and avert

the need of civil war; the land and naval forces of the United States

have been put in motion to repress the insurrection。  The true

character of the pretended new State is at once revealed。  It is seen

to be a power existing in pronunciamento only; It has never won a

field。  It has obtained no forts that were not virtually betrayed

into its hands or seized in breach of trust。  It commands not a

single port on the coast nor any highway out from its pretended

capital by land。  Under these circumstances Great Britain is called

upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting our

measures of suppression。  British recognition would be British

intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by

overthrowing this republic itself。  'When this act of intervention is

distinctly performed; we from that hour shall cease to be friends;

and become once more; as we have twice before been forced to be;

enemies of Great Britain。'



As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service; you will

say that this is a question exclusively our own。  We treat them as

pirates。  They are our own citizens; or persons employed by our

citizens; preying on the commerce of our country。  If Great Britain

shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents; and give them

shelter from our pursuit and punishment; the laws of nations afford

an adequate and proper remedy 'and we shall avail ourselves of it。

And while you need not say this in advance; be sure that you say

nothing inconsistent with it。'



Happily; however; her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all

these difficulties。  It invited us in 1856 to accede to the

declaration of the Congress of Paris; of which body Great Britain was

herself a member; abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and

forever。  You already have our authority to propose to her our

accession to that declaration。  If she refuse to receive it; it can

only be because she is willing to become the patron of privateering

when aimed at our devastation。



These positions are not elaborately defended now; because to

vindicate them would imply a possibility of our waiving them。





1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of



1(Drop all from this line to the end; and in lieu of it write; 〃This

paper is for your own guidance only; and not 'sic' to be read or

shown to any one。)



(Secretary Seward; when the despatch was returned to him; added an

introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly

confidential。 For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as

they are here printed。)



this occasion。 We see how; upon the result of the debate in which we

are engaged; a war may ensue between the United States and one; two;

or even more European 

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