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and maintain martial law in Saint Louis; the same is hereby

authorized。



A。 LINCOLN。









OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION TO HORACE

GREELEY



TO GOVERNOR WALKER。



WASHINGTON; November 21; 1861



DEAR GOVERNOR:I have thought over the interview which Mr。 Gilmore

has had with Mr。 Greeley; and the proposal that Greeley has made to

Gilmore; namely; that he 'Gilmore' shall communicate to him 'Greeley'

all that he learns from you of the inner workings of the

administration; in return for his 'Greeley's' giving such aid as he

can to the new magazine; and allowing you 'Walker' from time to time

the use of his 'Greeley's' columns when it is desirable to feel of;

or forestall; public opinion on important subjects。   The arrangement

meets my unqualified approval; and I shall further it to the extent

of my ability; by opening to youas I do nowfully the policy of

the Government;its present views and future intentions when formed;

giving you permission to communicate them to Gilmore for Greeley; and

in case you go to Europe I will give these things direct to Gilmore。

But all this must be on the express and explicit understanding that

the fact of these communications coming from me shall be absolutely

confidential;not to be disclosed by Greeley to his nearest friend;

or any of his subordinates。  He will be; in effect; my mouthpiece;

but I must not be known to be the speaker。



I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr。

Greeley。  He is a great power。  Having him firmly behind me will be

as helpful to me as an army of one hundred thousand men。



This was to be most severely regretted; when Greeley became a traitor

to the cause; editorialized for compromise and separationand

promoted McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency。



That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being

fully informed。  Tell Gilmore to say to him that; if he ever objects

to my policy; I shall be glad to have him state to me his views

frankly and fully。  I shall adopt his if I can。  If I cannot; I will

at least tell him why。  He and I should stand together; and let no

minor differences come between us; for we both seek one end; which is

the saving of our country。  Now; Governor; this is a longer letter

than I have written in a month;longer than I would have written for

any other man than Horace Greeley。



Your friend; truly;



ABRAHAM LINCOLN。



P。 S。The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better; as you may before

long think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair。









ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND

THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS;



DECEMBER 2; 1861。



MAJOR…GENERAL H。 W。 HALLECK;

Commanding in the Department of Missouri。



GENERAL:As an insurrection exists in the United States; and is in

arms in the State of Missouri; you are hereby authorized and

empowered to suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of

the military division under your command; and to exercise martial law

as you find it necessary in your discretion to secure the public

safety and the authority of the United States。



In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the

seal of the United States to be affixed at Washington; this second

day of December; A。D。 1861。



ABRAHAM LINCOLN。



By the President:

WILLIAM H。 SEWARD; Secretary of State。









ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS。

WASHINGTON;  December 3; 1861



FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:In the

midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great

gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests。



You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of

the times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with

profound solicitude; chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs。



A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year

been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union。  A nation

which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect

abroad; and one party; if not both; is sure sooner or later to invoke

foreign intervention。



Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the

counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition; although

measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate

and injurious to those adopting them。



The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin

of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have

invoked abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than

they probably expected。  If it were just to suppose; as the

insurgents have seemed to assume; that foreign nations in this case;

discarding all moral; social; and treaty obligations; would act

solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce;

including especially the acquisition of cotton; those nations appear

as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or

clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the

Union。  If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated

by no higher principle than this; I am quite sure a sound argument

could be made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily

and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving

encouragement to it。



The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign

nations to hostility against us; as already intimated; is the

embarrassment of commerce。  Those nations; however; not improbably

saw from the first that it was the Union which made as well our

foreign as our domestic commerce。  They can scarcely have failed to

perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing

difficulty; and that one strong nation promises more durable peace

and a more extensive; valuable; and reliable commerce than can the

same nation broken into hostile fragments。



It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states;

because; whatever might be their wishes or dispositions; the

integrity of our country and the stability of our government mainly

depend not upon them; but on the loyalty; virtue; patriotism; and

intelligence of the American people。  The correspondence itself; with

the usual reservations; is herewith submitted。



I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and

liberality toward foreign powers; averting causes of irritation and

with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor。



Since; however; it is apparent that here; as in every other state;

foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties; I recommend

that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the

public defenses on every side。  While under this general

recommendation provision for defending our seacoast line readily

occurs to the mind; I also in the same connection ask the attention

of Congress to our great lakes and rivers。  It is believed that some

fortifications and depots of arms and munitions; with harbor and

navigation improvements; all at well…selected points upon these;

would be of great importance to the national defense and preservation

I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War; expressed in

his report; upon the same general subject。



I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and

western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other

faithful parts of the Union by rail…road。   I therefore recommend; as

a military measure; that Congress provide for the construction of

such rail…road as speedily as possible。  Kentucky will no doubt

co…operate; and through her Legislature make the most judicious

selection of a line。  The northern terminus must connect with some

existing railroad; and whether the route shall be from Lexington or

Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap; or from Lebanon to the

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