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第8章

the writings-5-第8章

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is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the

institution of slavery and the black race。  This is the whole of it;

and anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and

political equality with the negro; is but a specious and fantastic

arrangement of words; by which a man can prove a horse…chestnut to be

a chestnut horse。  I will say here; while upon this subject; that I

have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the

institution of slavery in the States where it exists。  I believe I

have no lawful right to do so; and I have no inclination to do so。  I

have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between

the white and the black races。  There is a physical difference

between the two which; in my judgment; will probably forbid their

ever living together upon the footing of perfect equality; and

inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference;

I; as well as Judge Douglas; am in favor of the race to which I

belong having the superior position。  I have never said anything to

the contrary; but I hold that; notwithstanding all this; there is no

reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural

rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence;the right to

life; liberty and the pursuit of happiness。  I hold that he is as

much entitled to these as the white man。  I agree with judge Douglas;

he is not my equal in many respects;certainly not in color; perhaps

not in moral or intellectual endowments。  But in the right to eat the

bread; without leave of anybody else; which his own hand earns; he is

my equal; and the equal of Judge Douglas; and the equal of every

living man。〃



Upon a subsequent occasion; when the reason for making a statement

like this occurred; I said:



〃While I was at the hotel to…day an elderly gentleman called upon me

to know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality

between the negroes and white people。  While I had not proposed to

myself on this occasion to say much on that subject; yet; as the

question was asked me; I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes

in saying something in regard to it。  I will say; then; that I am

not; nor ever have been; in favor of bringing about in any way the

social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am

not; nor ever have been; in favor of making voters or jurors of

negroes; nor of qualifying them to hold office; or intermarry with

the white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a

physical difference between the white and black races which I believe

will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social

and political equality。  And inasmuch as they can not so live; while

they do remain together there must be the position of superior and

inferior; and I; as much as any other man; am in favor of having the

superior position assigned to the white race。 I say upon this

occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the

superior position; the negro should be denied everything。  I do not

understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave; I

must necessarily want her for a wife。  My understanding is that I can

just let her alone。 I am now in my fiftieth year; and I certainly

never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife。  So it

seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either

slaves or wives of negroes。  I will add to this that I have never

seen; to my knowledge; a man; woman; or child; who was in favor of

producing perfect equality; social and political; between negroes and

white men。  I recollect of but one distinguished instance that I ever

heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness; and

that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M。

Johnson。  I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not

going to enter at large upon this subject; that I have never had the

least apprehension that I or my friends would marry negroes; if there

was no law to keep them from it; but as judge Douglas and his friends

seem to be in great apprehension that they might; if there were no

law to keep them from it; I give him the most solemn pledge that I

will to the very last stand by the law of the State which forbids the

marrying of white people with negroes。〃



There; my friends; you have briefly what I have; upon former

occasions; said upon this subject to which this newspaper; to the

extent of its ability; has drawn the public attention。  In it you not

only perceive; as a probability; that in that contest I did not at

any time say I was in favor of negro suffrage; but the absolute proof

that twiceonce substantially; and once expresslyI declared

against it。  Having shown you this; there remains but a word of

comment upon that newspaper article。  It is this; that I presume the

editor of that paper is an honest and truth…loving man; and that he

will be greatly obliged to me for furnishing him thus early an

opportunity to correct the misrepresentation he has made; before it

has run so long that malicious people can call him a liar。



The Giant himself has been here recently。  I have seen a brief report

of his speech。  If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce

the subject of the negro as a topic for discussion; I might be

somewhat relieved by the fact that he dealt exclusively in that

subject while he was here。  I shall; therefore; without much

hesitation or diffidence; enter upon this subject。



The American people; on the first day of January; 1854; found the

African slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress。  In a majority

of the States of this Union; they found African slavery; or any other

sort of slavery; prohibited by State constitutions。  They also found

a law existing; supposed to be valid; by which slavery was excluded

from almost all the territory the United States then owned。  This was

the condition of the country; with reference to the institution of

slavery; on the first of January; 1854。  A few days after that; a

bill was introduced into Congress; which ran through its regular

course in the two branches of the national legislature; and finally

passed into a law in the month of May; by which the Act of Congress

prohibiting slavery from going into the Territories of the United

States was repealed。  In connection with the law itself; and; in

fact; in the terms of the law; the then existing prohibition was not

only repealed; but there was a declaration of a purpose on the part

of Congress never thereafter to exercise any power that they might

have; real or supposed; to prohibit the extension or spread of

slavery。 This was a very great change; for the law thus repealed was

of more than thirty years' standing。  Following rapidly upon the

heels of this action of Congress; a decision of the Supreme Court is

made; by which it is declared that Congress; if it desires to

prohibit the spread of slavery into the Territories; has no

constitutional power to do so。  Not only so; but that decision lays

down principles which; if pushed to their logical conclusion;I say

pushed to their logical conclusion;would decide that the

constitutions of free States; forbidding slavery; are themselves

unconstitutional。  Mark me; I do not say the judges said this; and

let no man say I affirm the judges used these words; but I only say

it is my opinion that what they did say; if pressed to its logical

conclusion; will inevitably result thus。



Looking at these things; the Republican party; as I understand its

principles and policy; believes that there is great danger of the

institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is

ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so

believing; to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is

the original and chief purpose of the Republican organization。 I say

〃chief purpose〃 of the Republican organization; for 

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