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can never prevent men from forming judgments according to their intellect�察�

or   being   influenced   by   any  given   emotion。   ��11��   It   is   true   that   it   has   the 

right to treat as enemies all men whose opinions do not�察�on all subjects�察�

entirely coincide with its own�察�but we are not discussing its strict rights�察�

but its proper course of action。 ��12�� I grant that it has the right to rule in 

the most violent manner�察�and to put citizens to death for very trivial causes�察�

but no one supposes it can do this with the approval of sound judgment。 

��13�� Nay�察�inasmuch as such things cannot be done without extreme peril to 

itself�察  �we   may   even   deny   that   it   has   the   absolute   power   to   do   them�察  �or�察�

consequently�察�the absolute right�察�for the rights of the sovereign are limited 

by his power。 

     ��20��2�А    。�14��   Since�察   �therefore�察   �no   one    can   abdicate     his  freedom      of 

judgment and feeling�察�since every man is by indefeasible natural right the 

master   of   his   own   thoughts�察  �it   follows   that   men   thinking   in   diverse   and 

contradictory fashions�察�cannot�察�without disastrous results�察�be compelled to 

speak only according to the dictates of the supreme power。 ��15�� Not even 

the most experienced�察�to say nothing of the multitude�察�know how to keep 

silence。   ��16��   Men's   common   failing   is   to   confide   their   plans   to   others�察�

though   there   be   need   for   secrecy�察  �so   that   a   government   would   be   most 

harsh which deprived the individual of his freedom of saying and teaching 

what he   thought�察  �and   would be   moderate   if   such   freedom  were   granted。 

��17�� Still we cannot deny that authority may be as much injured by words 

as   by  actions�察  �hence�察  �although   the   freedom  we   are   discussing   cannot   be 

entirely     denied     to  subjects�察   �its   unlimited     concession      would     be   most 

baneful�察�we must�察�therefore�察�now inquire�察�how far such freedom can and 

ought   to   be   conceded   without   danger   to   the   peace   of   the   state�察  �or   the 

power of the rulers�察�and this�察�as I said at the beginning of Chapter XVI。�察�is 

my   principal   object。   ��18��   It   follows�察 �plainly�察  �from  the   explanation   given 

above�察�of the foundations of a state�察�that the ultimate aim of government is 

not to rule�察�or restrain�察�by fear�察�nor to exact obedience�察�but contrariwise�察�to 

free every man from fear�察�that he may live in all possible security�察�in other 

words�察�to strengthen his natural right to exist and work ´ without injury to 

himself or others。 

     ��20��19��   No�察     �the  object    of  government   is      not   to  change     men    from 



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rational beings into beasts or puppets�察�but to enable them to develope their 

minds   and   bodies   in   security�察  �and   to   employ   their   reason   unshackled�察�

neither   showing   hatred�察  �anger�察  �or   deceit�察  �nor   watched   with   the   eyes   of 

jealousy and injustice。 ��20�� In fact�察�the true aim of government is liberty。 

     ��20��21�� Now we have seen that in forming a state the power of making 

laws must either be vested in the body of the citizens�察�or in a portion of 

them�察  �or   in   one   man。   ��22��   For�察  �although   mens   free   judgments   are   very 

diverse�察�each one thinking that he alone knows everything�察�and although 

complete   unanimity   of   feeling   and   speech   is   out   of   the   question�察  �it   is 

impossible   to   preserve   peace�察  �unless   individuals   abdicate   their   right   of 

acting      entirely    on    their   own     judgment。      ��20��3�А    。�23��   Therefore�察     �the 

individual justly cedes the right of free action�察�though not of free reason 

and judgment�察�no one can act against the authorities without danger to the 

state�察�though his feelings and judgment may be at variance therewith�察�he 

may   even   speak   against   them�察  �provided   that   he   does   so   from   rational 

conviction�察�not from fraud�察�anger�察�or hatred�察�and provided that he does not 

attempt   to     introduce     any   change     on   his   private   authority。    ��20��24��     For 

instance�察�supposing a man shows that a law is repugnant to sound reason�察�

and should therefore be repealed�察�if he submits his opinion to the judgment 

of   the   authorities   ��who�察  �alone�察  �have   the   right   of   making   and   repealing 

laws���察�and meanwhile acts in nowise contrary to that law�察�he has deserved 

well   of   the   state�察  �and   has   behaved   as   a   good   citizen   should�察  �but   if   he 

accuses the authorities of injustice�察�and stirs up the people against them�察�or 

if he seditiously strives to abrogate the law without their consent�察�he is a 

mere agitator and rebel。 

     ��20��25�� Thus we see how an individual may declare and teach what he 

believes�察�without injury to the authority of his rulers�察�or to the public peace�察�

namely�察  �by   leaving   in   their   hands   the   entire   power   of   legislation   as   it 

affects   action�察  �and   by   doing   nothing   against   their   laws�察  �though   he   be 

compelled   often   to   act   in   contradiction   to   what   he   believes�察  �and   openly 

feels�察�to be best。 

     ��20��26��   Such   a   course   can   be   taken   without   detriment   to   justice   and 

dutifulness�察�nay�察�it is the one which a just and dutiful man would adopt。 

��27�� We have shown that justice is dependent on the laws of the authorities�察�



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so that no one who contravenes their accepted decrees can be just�察�while 

the   highest    regard    for  duty�察  �as  we    have   pointed   out    in  the   preceding 

chapter�察  �is   exercised   in   maintaining   public   peace   and   tranquillity�察  �these 

could not be preserved if every man were to live as he pleased�察�therefore it 

is no less than undutiful for a man to act contrary to his country's laws�察�for 

if   the  practice    became      universal    the   ruin  of   states   would    necessarily 

follow。 

     ��20��28�� Hence�察�so long as a man acts in obedience to the laws of his 

rulers�察�he in nowise contravenes his reason�察�for in obedience to reason he 

transferred the right of controlling his actions from his own hands to theirs。 

��29�� This doctrine we can confirm from actual custom�察�for in a conference 

of great and small powers�察�schemes are seldom carried unanimously�察�yet 

all   unite   in   carrying   out   what   is   decided   on�察  �whether   they   voted   for   or 

against。 ��30�� But I return to my proposition。 

     ��20��31�� From the fundamental notions of a state�察�we have discovered 

how a man may exercise free judgment without detriment to the supreme 

power�此  �from   the   same   premises   we   can   no   less   easily   determine   what 

opinions   would   be   seditious。   ��32��   Evidently   those   which   by   their   very 

nature nullify the compact by which the right of free action was ceded。 ��33�� 

For instance�察�a man who holds that the supreme power has no rights over 

him�察�or that promises ought not to be kept�察�or that everyone should live as 

he   pleases�察  �or   other   doctrines   of   this   nature   in   direct   opposition   to   the 

above´     mentioned      contract�察   �is  seditious�察   �not  so   much     from   his   actual 

opinions and judgment�察�as from the deeds which they involve�察�for he who 

maintains such theories abrogates the contract which tacitly�察�or openly�察�he 

made      with   his  rulers。   ��34��   Other    opinions    which     do  not   involve    acts 

violating     the   contract�察  �such    as  revenge�察    �anger�察  �and   t  he  like�察  �are  not 


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