the day of the confederacy-第27章

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army　before　Petersburg；　and　even　went　so　far　afield　as　New　York；
where　it　was　discussed　in　the　columns　of　the　Herald。

In　the　midst　of　the　Northern　elections；　when　Davis　was　hoping
great　things　from　the　anti…Lincoln　men；　Stephens　had　said　in
print　that　he　believed　Davis　really　wished　the　Northern　peace
party　defeated；　whereupon　Davis　had　written　to　him　demanding
reasons　for　this　astounding　charge。　To　the　letter；　which　had
missed　Stephens　at　his　home　and　had　followed　him　late　in　the　year
to　Richmond；　Stephens　wrote　in　the　middle　of　December　a　long
reply　which　is　one　of　the　most　curious　documents　in　American
history。　He　justified　himself　upon　two　grounds。　One　was　a
statement　which　Davis　had　made　in　a　speech　at　Columbia；　in
October；　indicating　that　he　was　averse　to　the　scheme　of　certain
Northern　peace　men　for　a　convention　of　all　the　States。　Stephens
insisted　that　such　a　convention　would　have　ended　the　war　and
secured　the　independence　of　the　South。　Davis　cleared　himself　on
this　charge　by　saying　that　the　speech　at　Columbia　〃was　delivered
after　the　publication　of　McClellan's　letter　avowing　his　purpose
to　force　reunion　by　war　if　we　declined　reconstruction　when
offered；　and　therefore　warned　the　people　against　delusive　hopes
of　peace　from　any　other　influence　than　that　to　be　exerted　by　the
manifestation　of　an　unconquerable　spirit。〃

As　Stephens　professed　to　have　independence　and　not　reconstruction
for　his　aim；　he　had　missed　his　mark　with　this　first　shot。　He
fared　still　worse　with　the　second。　During　the　previous　spring　a
Northern　soldier　captured　in　the　southeast　had　appealed　for
parole　on　the　ground　that　he　was　a　secret　emissary　to　the
President　from　the　peace　men　of　the　North。　Davis；　who　did　not
take　him　seriously；　gave　orders　to　have　the　case　investigated；
but　Stephens；　whose　mentality　in　this　period　is　so　curiously
overcast；　swallowed　the　prisoner's　story　without　hesitation。　He
and　Davis　had　a　considerable　amount　of　correspondence　on　the
subject。　In　the　fierce　tension　of　the　summer　of　1864　the　War
Department　went　so　far　as　to　have　the　man's　character
investigated；　but　the　report　was　unsatisfactory。　He　was　not
paroled　and　died　in　prison。　This　episode　Stephens　now　brought
forward　as　evidence　that　Davis　had　frustrated　an　attempt　of　the
Northern　peace　party　to　negotiate。　Davis　contented　himself　with
replying；　〃I　make　no　comment　on　this。〃

The　next　step　in　the　peace　intrigue　took　place　at　the　opening　of
the　next　year；　1865。　Stephens　attempted　to　address　the　Senate　on
his　favorite　topic；　the　wickedness　of　the　suspension　of　habeas
corpus；　was　halted　by　a　point　of　parliamentary　law；　and　when　the
Senate　sustained　an　appeal　from　his　decision；　left　the　chamber　in
a　pique。　Hunter；　now　a　Senator；　became　an　envoy　to　placate　him
and　succeeded　in　bringing　him　back。　Thereupon　Stephens　poured　out
his　soul　in　a　furious　attack　upon　the　Administration。　He　ended　by
submitting　resolutions　which　were　just　what　he　might　have
submitted　four　years　earlier　before　a　gun　had　been　fired；　so
entirely　had　his　mind　crystallized　in　the　stress　of　war！　These
resolutions；　besides　reasserting　the　full　state　rights　theory；
assumed　the　readiness　of　the　North　to　make　peace　and　called　for　a
general　convention　of　all　the　States　to　draw　up　some　new
arrangement　on　a　confessed　state　rights　basis。　More　than　a　month
before；　Lincoln　had　been　reelected　on　an　unequivocal
nationalistic　platform。　And　yet　Stephens　continued　to　believe
that　the　Northerners　did　not　mean　what　they　said　and　that　in
congregated　talking　lay　the　magic　which　would　change　the　world　of
fact　into　the　world　of　his　own　desire。

At　this　point　in　the　peace　intrigue　the　ambiguous　figure　of
Napoleon　the　Little　reappears；　though　only　to　pass　ghostlike
across　the　back　of　the　stage。　The　determination　of　Northern
leaders　to　oppose　Napoleon　had　suggested　to　shrewd　politicians　a
possible　change　of　front。　That　singular　member　of　the　Confederate
Congress；　Henry　S。　Foote；　thought　he　saw　in　the　Mexican　imbroglio
means　to　bring　Lincoln　to　terms。　In　November　he　had　introduced
into　the　House　resolutions　which　intimated　that　〃it　might　become
the　true　policy　of。。。the　Confederate　States　to　consent　to　the
yielding　of　the　great　principle　embodied　in　the　Monroe　Doctrine。〃
The　House　referred　his　resolutions　to　the　Committee　on　Foreign
Affairs；　and　there　they　slumbered　until　January。

Meanwhile　a　Northern　politician　brought　on　the　specter　of
Napoleon　for　a　different　purpose。　Early　in　January；　1865；　Francis
P。　Blair　made　a　journey　to　Richmond　and　proposed　to　Davis　a　plan
of　reconciliation　involving　the　complete　abandonment　of　slavery；
the　reunion　of　all　the　States；　and　an　expedition　against　Mexico
in　which　Davis　was　to　play　the　leading　role。　Davis　cautiously
refrained　from　committing　himself；　though　he　gave　Blair　a　letter
in　which　he　expressed　his　willingness　to　enter　into　negotiations
for　peace　between　〃the　two　countries。〃　The　visit　of　Blair　gave
new　impetus　to　the　peace　intrigue。　The　Confederate　House
Committee　on　Foreign　Affairs　reported　resolutions　favoring　an
attempt　to　negotiate　with　the　United　States　so　as　to　〃bring　into
view〃　the　possibility　of　cooperation　between　the　United　States
and　the　Confederacy　to　maintain　the　Monroe　Doctrine。　The　same　day
saw　another　singular　incident。　For　some　reason　that　has　never
been　divulged　Foote　determined　to　counterbalance　Blair's　visit　to
Richmond　by　a　visit　of　his　own　to　Washington。　In　attempting　to
pass　through　the　Confederate　lines　he　was　arrested　by　the
military　authorities。　With　this　fiasco　Foote　passes　from　the
stage　of　history。

The　doings　of　Blair；　however；　continued　to　be　a　topic　of　general
interest　throughout　January。　The　military　intrigue　was　now
simmering　down　through　the　creation　of　the　office　of　commanding
general。　The　attempt　of　the　congressional　opposition　to　drive　the
whole　Cabinet　from　office　reached　a　compromise　in　the　single
retirement　of　the　Secretary　of　War。　Before　the　end　of　the　month
the　peace　question　was　the　paramount　one　before　Congress　and　the
country。　Newspapers　discussed　the　movements　of　Blair；　apparently
with　little　knowledge；　and　some　of　the　papers　asserted　hopefully
that　peace　was　within　reach。　Cooler　heads；　such　as　the　majority
of　the　Virginia　Legislature；　rejected　this　idea　as　baseless。　The
Mercury　called　the　peace　party　the　worst　enemy　of　the　South。　Lee
was　reported　by　the　Richmond　correspondent　of　the　Mercury　as　not
caring　a　fig　for　the　peace　project。　Nevertheless　the　rumor
persisted　that　Blair　had　offered　peace　on　terms　that　the
Confederacy　could　accept。　Late　in　the　month；　Davis　appointed
Stephens；　Hunter；　and　John　A。　Campbell　commissioners　to　confer
with　the　Northern　authorities　with　regard　to　peace。

There　followed　the　famous　conference　of　February　3；　1865；　in　the
cabin　of　a　steamer　at　Hampton　Roads；　with　Seward　and　Lincoln。　The
Confederate　commissioners　represented　two　points　of　view：　that　of
the　Administration；　unwilling　to　make　peace　without　independence；
and　that　of　the　infatuated　Stephens　who　clung　to　the　idea　that
Lincoln　did　not　mean　what　he　said；　and　who　now　urged　〃an
armistice　allowing　the　States　to　adjust　themselves　as　suited
their　interests。　If　it　would　be　to　their　interests　to　reunite；
they　would　do　so。〃　The　refusal　of　Lincoln　to　consider　either　of
these　points　of　viewthe　refusal　so　clearly　foreseen　by
Davisput　an　end　to　the　career　of　Stephens。　He　was　〃hoist　with
his　own　petard。〃

The　news　of　the　failure　of　the　conference　was　variously　received。
The　Mercury　rejoiced　because　there　was　now　no　doubt　how　things
stood。　Stephens；　unwilling　to　cooperate　with　the　Administration；
left　the　capital　and　went　home　to　Georgia。　At　Richmond；　though
the　snow　lay　thick　on　the　ground；　a　great　public　meeting　was　held
on　the　6th　of　February　in　the　precincts　of　the　African　Church。
Here　Davis　made　an　address　which　has　been　called　his　greatest　and
which　produced　a　profound　impression。　A　wave　of　enthusiasm　swept
over　Richmond；　and　for　a　moment　the　President　appeared　once　more
to　be　master　of　the　situation。　His　immense　audacity　carried　the
people　with　him　when；　after　showing　what　might　be　done　by　more
drastic　enforcement　of　the　conscription　laws；