history of the impeachment of andrew johnson-第2章

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han　two　thousand　field　and　naval　engagements　that　had　marked　its　progress　and　the　march　of　the　Union　armies　to　success；　were　heralded　day　by　day　to　every　household；　and　all　could　forecast　its　trend　and　its　results。　But　the　controversy　now　developed　was　insidiousits　influences；　its　weapons；　its　designs；　and　its　possible　end；　were　in　a　measure　hidden　from　the　publicpublic　opinion　was　divided；　and　its　results；　for　good　or　ill；　problematical。　The　wisest　political　sagacity　and　the　broadest　statesmanship　possible　were　needed；　and　in　their　application　no　time　was　to　be　lost。

In　his　annual　message　to　Congress；　December　8th；　1863；　Mr。　Lincoln　had　to　a　considerable　extent　outlined　his　plan　of　Reconstruction；　principally　by　a　recital　of　what　he　had　already　done　in　that　direction。　That　part　of　his　message　pertinent　to　this　connection　is　reproduced　here　to　illustrate　the　broad；　humane；　national　and　patriotic　purpose　that　actuated　him；　quite　as　well　as　his　lack　of　sympathy　with　the　extreme　partisan　aims　and　methods　that　characterized　the　measures　afterward　adopted　by　Congress　in　opposition　to　his　well…known　wishes　and　views；　and；　also；　as　an　important　incident　to　the　history　of　that　controversy　and　of　the　time；　and　its　bearing　upon　the　frictions　that　followed　between　Congress　and　Mr。　Lincoln's　successor　on　that　subject。　Mr。　Lincoln　said：

When　Congress　assembled　a　year　ago　the　war　had　already　lasted　twenty　months；　and　there　had　been　many　conflicts　on　both　land　and　sea；　with　varying　results。　The　rebellion　had　been　pressed　back　into　reduced　limits；　yet　the　tone　of　public　feeling　and　opinion；　at　home　and　abroad；　was　not　satisfactory。　With　other　signs；　the　popular　elections；　then　just　past；　indicated　uneasiness　among　ourselves；　while；　amid　much　that　was　cold　and　menacing；　the　kindest　words　coming　from　Europe　were　uttered　in　accents　of　pity　that　we　were　too　blind　to　surrender　a　hopeless　cause。　Our　commerce　was　suffering　greatly　by　a　few　armed　vessels　built　upon　and　furnished　from　foreign　shores；　and　we　were　threatened　with　such　additions　from　the　same　quarter　as　would　sweep　our　trade　from　the　sea　and　raise　our　blockade。　We　had　failed　to　elicit　from　European　Governments　anything　hopeful　upon　this　subject。　The　preliminary　Emancipation　Proclamation；　issued　in　September；　was　running　its　assigned　period　to　the　beginning　of　the　new　year。　A　month　later　that　final　proclamation　came；　including　the　announcement　that　colored　men　of　suitable　condition　would　be　received　into　the　army　service。　The　policy　of　emancipation；　and　of　employing　black　soldiers；　gave　to　the　future　a　new　aspect；　about　which　hope　and　fear　and　doubt　contended　in　uncertain　conflict。　According　to　our　political　system；　as　a　matter　of　civil　administration；　the　General　Government　had　no　lawful　power　to　effect　emancipation　in　any　State；　and　for　a　long　time　it　had　been　hoped　that　the　rebellion　could　be　suppressed　without　resorting　to　it　as　a　military　measure。　It　was　all　the　while　deemed　possible　that　the　necessity　for　it　might　come；　and　that；　if　it　should；　the　crisis　of　the　contest　would　then　be　presented。　It　came；　and；　as　was　anticipated；　was　followed　by　dark　and　doubtful　days。　Eleven　months　have　now　passed；　and　we　are　permitted　to　take　another　review。　The　rebel　borders　are　pressed　still　further　back；　and　by　the　complete　opening　of　the　Mississippi　the　country　dominated　by　the　rebellion　is　divided　into　distinct　parts；　with　no　practical　communication　between　them。　Tennessee　and　Arkansas　have　been　substantially　cleared　of　insurgent　control；　and　influential　citizens　in　each；　owners　of　slaves　and　advocates　of　slavery　at　the　beginning　of　the　rebellion；　now　declare　openly　for　emancipation　in　their　respective　States。　Of　those　States　not　included　in　the　Emancipation　Proclamation；　Maryland　and　Missouri；　neither　of　which　three　years　ago　would　tolerate　any　restraint　upon　the　extension　of　slavery　into　the　new　Territories；　only　dispute　now　as　to　the　best　mode　of　removing　it　within　their　own　limits。

Of　those　who　were　slaves　at　the　beginning　of　the　rebellion；　full　one　hundred　thousand　are　now　in　the　United　States　military　service；　about　one　half　of　which　number　actually　bear　arms　in　the　ranks；　thus　giving　the　double　advantage　of　taking　so　much　labor　from　the　insurgent　cause；　and　supplying　the　places　which　must　otherwise　be　filled　with　so　many　white　men。　So　far　as　tested；　it　is　difficult　to　say　they　are　not　as　good　soldiers　as　any。　No　servile　insurrection；　or　tendency　to　violence　or　cruelty；　has　marked　the　measure　of　emancipation　and　arming　the　blacks。　Those　measures　have　been　discussed　in　foreign　countries；　and　contemporary　with　such　discussion　the　tone　of　sentiment　there　is　much　improved。　At　home　the　same　measures　have　been　fully　discussed；　and　supported；　criticised；　and　denounced；　and　the　annual　elections　following　are　highly　encouraging　to　those　whose　official　duty　it　is　to　bear　the　country　through　this　great　trial。　Thus　we　have　the　new　reckoning。　The　crisis　which　threatened　to　divide　the　friends　of　the　Union　is　past。

Looking　now　to　the　present；　and　future；　and　with　reference　to　a　resumption　of　national　authority　within　the　States　wherein　that　authority　has　been　suspended；　I　have　thought　fit　to　issue　a　Proclamation；　a　copy　of　which　is　herewith　transmitted。　On　examination　of　this　Proclamation　it　will　appear；　as　is　believed；　that　nothing　is　attempted　beyond　what　is　amply　justified　by　the　Constitution。　True；　the　form　of　an　oath　is　given；　but　no　man　is　coerced　to　take　it。　The　man　is　only　promised　a　pardon　in　case　he　voluntarily　takes　the　oath。　The　Constitution　authorizes　the　Executive　to　grant　or　withhold　the　pardon　at　his　own　absolute　discretion；　and　this　includes　the　power　to　grant　on　terms；　as　is　fully　established　by　judicial　and　other　authorities。

It　is　also　proffered　that；　if　in　any　of　the　States　named　a　State　Government　shall　be；　in　the　mode　prescribed；　set　up；　such　Government　shall　be　recognized　and　guaranteed　by　the　United　States；　and　that　under　it　the　State　shall；　on　the　constitutional　conditions；　be　protected　against　invasion　and　domestic　violence。　The　constitutional　obligation　of　the　United　States　to　guarantee　to　every　State　in　the　Union　a　republican　form　of　government；　and　to　protect　the　State；　in　the　cases　stated；　is　explicit　and　full。　But　why　tender　the　benefits　of　this　provision　only　to　a　State　Government　set　up　in　this　particular　way？　This　section　contemplates　a　case　wherein　the　element　within　a　State　favorable　to　a　republican　government；　in　the　Union；　may　be　too　feeble　for　an　opposite　and　hostile　external　to　or　even　within　the　State；　and　such　are　precisely　the　cases　with　which　we　are　dealing。

Any　attempt　to　guaranty　and　protect　a　revived　State　Government；　constituted　in　whole；　or　in　preponderating　part；　from　the　very　element　against　whose　hostility　it　is　to　be　protected；　is　simply　absurd。　There　must　be　a　test　by　which　to　separate　the　opposing　elements；　so　as　to　build　only　from　the　sound；　and　that　test　is　a　sufficiently　liberal　one　which　accepts　as　sound　whoever　will　make　a　sworn　recantation　of　his　former　unsoundness。

But　if　it　be　proper　to　require；　as　a　test　of　admission　to　the　political　body；　an　oath　of　allegiance　to　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States；　and　to　the　Union　under　it；　why　also　to　the　laws　and　Proclamation　in　regard　to　slavery？　Those　laws　and　Proclamations　were　enacted　and　put　forth　for　the　purpose　of　aiding　in　the　suppression　of　the　rebellion。　To　give　them　their　fullest　effect；　there　had　to　be　a　pledgefor　their　maintenance。　In　my　judgment　they　have　aided；　and　will　further　aid；　the　cause　for　which　they　were　intended。　To　now　abandon　them　would　be　not　only　to　relinquish　a　lever　of　power；　but　would　also　be　a　cruel　and　an　astounding　breach　of　faith。　I　may　add　at　this　point；　that　while　I　remain　in　my　present　position；　I　shall　not　attempt　to　retract　or　modify　the　Emancipation　Proclamation；　nor　shall　I　return　to　slavery　any　person　who　is　free　by　the　terms　of　the　Proclamation；　or　by　any　of　the　acts　of　Congress。　For　these　and　other　reasons　it　is　thought　best　that　support　of　these　measures　shall　be　included　in　the　oath；　and　it　is　believed　the　Executive　may　lawfully　claim　it　in　return　for　pardon　and　restoration　of　forfeited　rights；　when　he　has　clear　constitutional　power　to　withh