history of the impeachment of andrew johnson-第22章

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　the　Constitution　in　the　Executive；　and　in　the　Senate　by　the　casting　vote　of　the　Vice　President。　The　question　has　often　been　raised　in　subsequent　times　of　high　excitement；　and　the　practice　of　the　Government　has　nevertheless　conformed　in　all　cases　to　the　decision　thus　early　made。　*　*　*　Chancellor　Kent's　remarks　on　the　subject　are　as　follows：

〃On　the　first　organization　of　the　Government　it　was　made　a　question　whether　the　power　of　removal　in　case　of　officers　appointed　to　hold　at　pleasure　resided　nowhere　but　in　the　body　which　appointed；　and；　of　course；　whether　the　consent　of　the　Senate　was　not　requisite　to　remove。　This　was　the　construction　given　to　the　Constitution　while　it　was　pending　for　ratification　before　the　State　conventions　by　the　author　of　the　Federalist。　But　the　construction　which　was　given　to　the　Constitution　by　Congress；　after　great　consideration　and　discussion；　was　different。　The　words　of　the　act　（establishing　the　Treasury　Department）　are：　'And　whenever　the　same　shall　be　removed　from　office　by　the　President　of　the　United　States；　or　in　any　other　case　of　vacancy　in　the　office；　the　assistant　shall　act。'　This　amounted　to　a　legislative　construction　of　the　Constitution；　and　it　has　ever　since　been　acquiesced　in　and　acted　upon　as　decisive　authority　in　the　case。　It　applies　equally　to　every　other　officer　of　the　Government　appointed　by　the　President；　whose　term　of　duration　is　not　specially　declared。　It　is　supported　by　the　weighty　reason　that　the　subordinate　officers　in　the　executive　department　ought　to　hold　at　the　pleasure　of　the　head　of　the　Department；　because　he　is　invested　generally　with　the　executive　authority；　and　the　participation　in　that　authority　by　the　Senate　was　an　exception　to　a　general　principle　and　ought　to　be　taken　strictly。　The　President　is　the　great　responsible　officer　for　the　faithful　execution　of　the　law；　and　the　power　of　removal　was　incidental　to　that　duty；　and　might　often　be　requisite　to　fulfill　it。〃

Thus　has　the　important　question　presented　by　this　bill　been　settled；　in　the　language　of　the　late　Daniel　Webster　（who；　while　dissenting　from　it；　admitted　that　it　was　settled）；　by　construction；　settled　by　precedent；　settled　by　the　practice　of　the　Government；　and　settled　by　statute。

The　events　of　the　last　war　furnished　a　practical　confirmation　of　the　wisdom　of　the　Constitution　as　it　has　hitherto　been　maintained　in　many　of　its　parts；　including　that　which　is　now　the　subject　of　consideration。　When　the　war　broke　out　rebel　enemies；　traitors；　abettors；　and　sympathizers　were　found　in　every　department　of　the　Government；　as　well　in　the　civil　service　as　in　the　land　and　naval　military　service。　They　were　found　in　Congress　and　among　the　keepers　of　the　Capitol；　in　foreign　missions；　in　each　and　all　of　the　Executive　Departments；　in　the　judicial　service；　in　the　Post　Office；　and　among　the　agents　for　conducting　Indian　affairs；　and　upon　probable　suspicion　they　were　promptly　displaced　by　my　predecessor；　so　far　as　they　held　their　offices　under　executive　authority；　and　their　duties　were　confided　to　new　and　loyal　successors。　No　complaints　against　that　power　or　doubts　of　its　wisdom；　were　entertained　in　any　quarter。

Having　at　an　early　period　accepted　the　Constitution　in　regard　to　the　executive　office　in　the　sense　in　which　it　was　interpreted　with　the　concurrence　of　its　founders；　I　have　found　no　sufficient　grounds　in　the　arguments　now　opposed　to　that　construction　or　in　any　assumed　necessity　of　the　times　for　changing　those　opinions。　For　these　reasons　I　return　the　bill　to　the　Senate；　in　which　House　it　originated；　for　the　further　consideration　of　Congress；　which　the　Constitution　prescribes。　Insomuch　as　the　several　parts　of　the　bill　which　I　have　not　considered　are　matters　chiefly　of　detail；　and　are　based　altogether　upon　the　theory　of　the　Constitution　from　which　I　am　obliged　to　dissent；　I　have　not　thought　it　necessary　to　examine　them　with　a　view　to　make　them　an　occasion　of　distinct　and　special　objections。　Experience；　I　think；　has　shown　that　it　is　the　easiest；　as　it　is　also　the　most　attractive；　of　studies　to　frame　constitutions　for　the　self…government　of　free　States　and　nations。

But　I　think　experience　has　equally　shown　that　it　is　the　most　difficult　of　all　political　labors　to　preserve　and　maintain　such　free　constitutions　of　self　government　when　once　happily　established。　I　know　no　other　way　in　which　they　can　be　preserved　and　maintained　except　by　a　constant　adherence　to　them　through　the　various　vicissitudes　of　national　existence；　with　such　adaptations　as　may　become　necessary；　always　to　be　effected；　however；　through　the　agencies　and　in　the　forms　prescribed　in　the　original　constitutions　themselves。　Whenever　administration　fails　or　seems　to　fail　in　securing　any　of　the　great　ends　for　which　Republican　Government　is　established；　the　proper　course　seems　to　be　to　renew　the　original　spirit　and　forms　of　the　Constitution　itself。

Andrew　Johnson

The　bill　was　promptly　passed　in　both　Houses　over　the　President's　veto　and　became　a　law。

As　pertinent　and　incident　to　the　history　of　this　controversy；　is　the　communication　of　the　President　notifying　the　Senate　of　the　suspension　of　Mr。　Stanton；　Aug。　12；　1867。　The　President　said：

The　Tenure…of…Office　Act　did　not　pass　without　notice。　Like　other　acts；　it　was　sent　to　the　President　for　approval。　As　is　my　custom　I　submitted　it　to　the　consideration　of　my　Cabinet　for　their　advice　whether　I　should　approve　it　or　not。　I　was　a　grave　question　of　constitutional　law；　in　which　I　would　of　course　rely　mostly　upon　the　opinion　of　the　Attorney　General；　and　of　Mr。　Stanton；　who　had　once　been　Attorney　General。　EVERY　MEMBER　OF　MY　CABINET　ADVISED　ME　THAT　THE　PROPOSED　LAW　WAS　UNCONSTITUTIONAL。　All　spoke　without　doubt　or　reservation；　but　MR。　STANTON'S　CONDEMNATION　OF　THE　LAW　WAS　THE　MOST　ELABORATE　AND　EMPHATIC。　He　referred　to　the　Constitutional　provisions；　the　debates　in　Congress；　especially　to　the　speech　of　Mr。　Buchanan　when　a　Senator；　to　the　decisions　of　the　Supreme　Court；　and　to　the　usage　from　the　beginning　of　the　Government　through　every　successive　administration；　all　concurring　to　establish　the　right　of　removal　as　vested　in　the　President。　To　all　these　he　added　the　weight　of　his　own　deliberate　judgment；　and　advised　me　that　it　was　my　duty　to　defend　the　power　of　the　President　from　usurpation　and　veto　the　law。

During　the　recess　of　Congress　in　the　Summer　of　1867；　the　President　suspended　Mr。　Stanton　from　the　War　Office　and　appointed　Gen。　Grant　Secretary　of　War　ad　interim。　Gen。　Grant　was　then　understood　as　supporting　the　President　in　his　controversy　with　Mr。　Stanton；　and　promptly　accepted　the　appointment；　holding　it　until　the　following　December；　when　the　change　was　duly　reported　to　the　Senate。　The　Senate　refused　to　sanction　Mr。　Stanton's　suspension；　and　he　consequently　resumed　his　position　of　Secretary　of　War　and　retained　it　until　the　close　of　the　Impeachment　trialthe　Senate　then；　in　effect；　by　rejecting　the　Impeachment；　declaring　that　the　President　had　the　right　to　remove　him。

Very　naturally；　after　Mr。　Stanton's　restoration　to　the　War　Office　by　the　refusal　of　the　Senate　to　sanction　his　suspension；　the　relations　between　himself　and　the　President　were　embittered　and　many　efforts　were　made　by　mutual　friends　to　induce　Mr。　Stanton　to　resign。　Conspicuous　among　these　were　Gen。　Grant；　the　General　of　the　Army；　and　Gen。　Sherman；　the　next　in　rank；　as　shown　in　the　following　note　from　Gen。　Sherman　to　the　President；　but　a　few　weeks　before　the　crisis　came。　It　explains　itself；　as　showing　the　relations　then　subsisting　between　the　parties　mentioned：

332　K　St。；　Washington；　Jan；　18th。

I　regretted；　this　morning；　to　say　that　I　had　agreed　to　go　down　to　Annapolis；　to　spend　Monday　with　Admiral　Porter。　Gen。　Grant　has　to　leave　for　Richmond　on　Monday　morning　at　6　o'clock。　At　a　conversation　with　the　General；　after　an　interview　wherein　I　offered　to　go　with　him　on　Monday　morning　to　Mr。　Stanton　and　say　it　was　our　joint　opinion　that　he　should　resign；　it　was　found　impossible　by　reason　of　his　going　to　Richmond　and　my　going　to　Annapolis。　The　General　proposed　this　course。　He　will　tell　you　to…morrow　and　offer　to　go　to　Mr。　Stanton　to　say　that　for　the　good　of　the　service　of　the　country　he　ought　to　resignthis　on　Sunday。　On　Monday；　I　will　call　on　you；　and　if　you　thi