the crowd-第38章

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The　influence　of　the　leaders　is　due　in　very　small　measure　to　the　arguments　they　employ；　but　in　a　large　degree　to　their　prestige。　The　best　proof　of　this　is　that；　should　they　by　any　circumstance　lose　their　prestige；　their　influence　disappears。

The　prestige　of　these　political　leaders　is　individual；　and　independent　of　name　or　celebrity：　a　fact　of　which　M。　Jules　Simon　gives　us　some　very　curious　examples　in　his　remarks　on　the　prominent　men　of　the　Assembly　of　1848；　of　which　he　was　a　member：


〃Two　months　before　he　was　all…powerful；　Louis　Napoleon　was　entirely　without　the　least　importance。

〃Victor　Hugo　mounted　the　tribune。　　He　failed　to　achieve　success。　He　was　listened　to　as　Felix　Pyat　was　listened　to；　but　he　did　not　obtain　as　much　applause。　　‘I　don't　like　his　ideas；'　Vaulabelle　said　to　me；　speaking　of　Felix　Pyat；'　but　he　is　one　of　the　greatest　writers　and　the　greatest　orator　of　France。'　　Edgar　Quinet；　in　spite　of　his　exceptional　and　powerful　intelligence；　was　held　in　no　esteem　whatever。　　He　had　been　popular　for　awhile　before　the　opening　of　the　Assembly；　in　the　Assembly　he　had　no　popularity。

〃The　splendour　of　genius　makes　itself　less　felt　in　political　assemblies　than　anywhere　else。　　They　only　give　heed　to　eloquence　appropriate　to　the　time　and　place　and　to　party　services；　not　to　services　rendered　the　country。　　For　homage　to　be　rendered　Lamartine　in　1848　and　Thiers　in　1871；　the　stimulant　was　needed　of　urgent；　inexorable　interest。　　As　soon　as　the　danger　was　passed　the　parliamentary　world　forgot　in　the　same　instant　its　gratitude　and　its　fright。〃


I　have　quoted　the　preceding　passage　for　the　sake　of　the　facts　it　contains；　not　of　the　explanations　it　offers；　their　psychology　being　somewhat　poor。　　A　crowd　would　at　once　lose　its　character　of　a　crowd　were　it　to　credit　its　leaders　with　their　services；　whether　of　a　party　nature　or　rendered　their　country。　　The　crowd　that　obeys　a　leader　is　under　the　influence　of　his　prestige；　and　its　submission　is　not　dictated　by　any　sentiment　of　interest　or　gratitude。

In　consequence　the　leader　endowed　with　sufficient　prestige　wields　almost　absolute　power。　　The　immense　influence　exerted　during　a　long　series　of　years；　thanks　to　his　prestige；　by　a　celebrated　Deputy；＇28＇　beaten　at　the　last　general　election　in　consequence　of　certain　financial　events；　is　well　known。　　He　had　only　to　give　the　signal　and　Cabinets　were　overthrown。　　A　writer　has　clearly　indicated　the　scope　of　his　action　in　the　following　lines：


＇28＇　M。　Clemenceau。Note　of　the　Translator。



〃It　is　due；　in　the　main；　to　M。　X　that　we　paid　three　times　as　dearly　as　we　should　have　done　for　Tonkin；　that　we　remained　so　long　on　a　precarious　footing　in　Madagascar；　that　we　were　defrauded　of　an　empire　in　the　region　of　the　Lower　Niger；　and　that　we　have　lost　the　preponderating　situation　we　used　to　occupy　in　Egypt。　　The　theories　of　M。　X　have　cost　us　more　territories　than　the　disasters　of　Napoleon　I。〃


We　must　not　harbour　too　bitter　a　grudge　against　the　leader　in　question。　　It　is　plain　that　he　has　cost　us　very　dear；　but　a　great　part　of　his　influence　was　due　to　the　fact　that　he　followed　public　opinion；　which；　in　colonial　matters；　was　far　from　being　at　the　time　what　it　has　since　become。　　A　leader　is　seldom　in　advance　of　public　opinion；　almost　always　all　he　does　is　to　follow　it　and　to　espouse　all　its　errors。

The　means　of　persuasion　of　the　leaders　we　are　dealing　with；　apart　from　their　prestige；　consist　in　the　factors　we　have　already　enumerated　several　times。　　To　make　a　skilful　use　of　these　resources　a　leader　must　have　arrived　at　a　comprehension；　at　least　in　an　unconscious　manner；　of　the　psychology　of　crowds；　and　must　know　how　to　address　them。　　He　should　be　aware；　in　particular；　of　the　fascinating　influence　of　words；　phrases；　and　images。　　He　should　possess　a　special　description　of　eloquence；　composed　of　energetic　affirmationsunburdened　with　proofs　and　impressive　images；　accompanied　by　very　summary　arguments。　　This　is　a　kind　of　eloquence　that　is　met　with　in　all　assemblies；　the　English　Parliament　included；　the　most　serious　though　it　is　of　all。


〃Debates　in　the　House　of　Commons；〃　says　the　English　philosopher　Maine；　〃may　be　constantly　read　in　which　the　entire　discussion　is　confined　to　an　exchange　of　rather　weak　generalities　and　rather　violent　personalities。　　General　formulas　of　this　description　exercise　a　prodigious　influence　on　the　imagination　of　a　pure　democracy。　　It　will　always　be　easy　to　make　a　crowd　accept　general　assertions；　presented　in　striking　terms；　although　they　have　never　been　verified；　and　are　perhaps　not　susceptible　of　verification。〃


Too　much　importance　cannot　be　attached　to　the　〃striking　terms〃　alluded　to　in　the　above　quotation。　　We　have　already　insisted；　on　several　occasions；　on　the　special　power　of　words　and　formulas。　They　must　be　chosen　in　such　a　way　as　to　evoke　very　vivid　images。　The　following　phrase；　taken　from　a　speech　by　one　of　the　leaders　of　our　assemblies；　affords　an　excellent　example：


〃When　the　same　vessel　shall　bear　away　to　the　fever…haunted　lands　of　our　penitentiary　settlements　the　politician　of　shady　reputation　and　the　anarchist　guilty　of　murder；　the　pair　will　be　able　to　converse　together；　and　they　will　appear　to　each　other　as　the　two　complementary　aspects　of　one　and　the　same　state　of　society。〃


The　image　thus　evoked　is　very　vivid；　and　all　the　adversaries　of　the　speaker　felt　themselves　threatened　by　it。　　They　conjured　up　a　double　vision　of　the　fever…haunted　country　and　the　vessel　that　may　carry　them　away；　for　is　it　not　possible　that　they　are　included　in　the　somewhat　ill…defined　category　of　the　politicians　menaced？　　They　experienced　the　lurking　fear　that　the　men　of　the　Convention　must　have　felt　whom　the　vague　speeches　of　Robespierre　threatened　with　the　guillotine；　and　who；　under　the　influence　of　this　fear；　invariably　yielded　to　him。

It　is　all　to　the　interest　of　the　leaders　to　indulge　in　the　most　improbable　exaggerations。　　The　speaker　of　whom　I　have　just　cited　a　sentence　was　able　to　affirm；　without　arousing　violent　protestations；　that　bankers　and　priests　had　subsidised　the　throwers　of　bombs；　and　that　the　directors　of　the　great　financial　companies　deserve　the　same　punishment　as　anarchists。　Affirmations　of　this　kind　are　always　effective　with　crowds。　　The　affirmation　is　never　too　violent；　the　declamation　never　too　threatening。　　Nothing　intimidates　the　audience　more　than　this　sort　of　eloquence。　　Those　present　are　afraid　that　if　they　protest　they　will　be　put　down　as　traitors　or　accomplices。

As　I　have　said；　this　peculiar　style　of　eloquence　has　ever　been　of　sovereign　effect　in　all　assemblies。　　In　times　of　crisis　its　power　is　still　further　accentuated。　　The　speeches　of　the　great　orators　of　the　assemblies　of　the　French　Revolution　are　very　interesting　reading　from　this　point　of　view。　　At　every　instant　they　thought　themselves　obliged　to　pause　in　order　to　denounce　crime　and　exalt　virtue；　after　which　they　would　burst　forth　into　imprecations　against　tyrants；　and　swear　to　live　free　men　or　perish。　　Those　present　rose　to　their　feet；　applauded　furiously；　and　then；　calmed；　took　their　seats　again。

On　occasion；　the　leader　may　be　intelligent　and　highly　educated；　but　the　possession　of　these　qualities　does　him；　as　a　rule；　more　harm　than　good。　　By　showing　how　complex　things　are；　by　allowing　of　explanation　and　promoting　comprehension；　intelligence　always　renders　its　owner　indulgent；　and　blunts；　in　a　large　measure；　that　intensity　and　violence　of　conviction　needful　for　apostles。　　The　great　leaders　of　crowds　of　all　ages；　and　those　of　the　Revolution　in　particular；　have　been　of　lamentably　narrow　intellect；　while　it　is　precisely　those　whose　intelligence　has　been　the　most　restricted　who　have　exercised　the　greatest　influence。

The　speeches　of　the　most　celebrated　of　them；　of　Robespierre；　frequently　astound　one　by　their　incoherence：　by　merely　reading　them　no　plausible　explanation　is　to　be　found　of　the　great　part　played　by　the　powerful　dictator：


〃The　commonplaces　and　redundancies　of　pedagogic　eloquence　and　Latin　culture　at　the　service　of　a　mind　childish　rather　than　undistinguished；　and　limited　in　its　notions　of　attack　and　defence　to　the　defiant　attitude　of　schoolboys。　　Not　an　idea；　not　a　happy　turn　of　phrase；　or　a　telling　hit：　a　storm