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This　declared　indifference；　but；　as　I　must　think；　covert　real

zeal；　for　the　spread　of　slavery；　I　cannot　but　hate。　　I　hate　it

because　of　the　monstrous　injustice　of　slavery　itself。　　I　hate　it

because　it　deprives　our　republican　example　of　its　just　influence

in　the　world；　enables　the　enemies　of　free　institutions　with

plausibility　to　taunt　us　as　hypocrites；　causes　the　real　friends

of　freedom　to　doubt　our　sincerity；　and　especially　because　it

forces　so　many　good　men　among　ourselves　into　an　open　war　with　the

very　fundamental　principles　of　civil　liberty；　criticizing　the

Declaration　of　Independence；　and　insisting　that　there　is　no　right

principle　of　action　but　self…interest。



Before　proceeding　let　me　say　that　I　think　I　have　no　prejudice

against　the　Southern　people。　　They　are　just　what　we　would　be　in

their　situation。　　If　slavery　did　not　now　exist　among　them；　they

would　not　introduce　it。　　If　it　did　now　exist　among　us；　we　should

not　instantly　give　it　up。　　This　I　believe　of　the　masses　North　and

South。　　Doubtless　there　are　individuals　on　both　sides　who　would

not　hold　slaves　under　any　circumstances；　and　others　who　would

gladly　introduce　slavery　anew　if　it　were　out　of　existence。　　We

know　that　some　Southern　men　do　free　their　slaves；　go　North　and

become　tip…top　abolitionists；　while　some　Northern　ones　go　South

and　become　most　cruel　slave　masters。



When　Southern　people　tell　us　that　they　are　no　more　responsible

for　the　origin　of　slavery　than　we　are；　I　acknowledge　the　fact。

When　it　is　said　that　the　institution　exists；　and　that　it　is　very

difficult　to　get　rid　of　it　in　any　satisfactory　way；　I　can

understand　and　appreciate　the　saying。　　I　surely　will　not　blame

them　for　not　doing　what　I　should　not　know　how　to　do　myself。　　If

all　earthly　power　were　given　me；　I　should　not　know　what　to　do　as

to　the　existing　institution。　　My　first　impulse　would　be　to　free

all　the　slaves；　and　send　them　to　Liberia；　to　their　own　native

land。　　But　a　moment's　reflection　would　convince　me　that　whatever

of　high　hope　（as　I　think　there　is）　there　may　be　in　this　in　the

long　run；　its　sudden　execution　is　impossible。　　If　they　were　all

landed　there　in　a　day；　they　would　all　perish　in　the　next　ten

days；　and　there　are　not　surplus　shipping　and　surplus　money　enough

to　carry　them　there　in　many　times　ten　days。　　What　then？　　Free

them　all；　and　keep　them　among　us　as　underlings？　　Is　it　quite

certain　that　this　betters　their　condition？　　I　think　I　would　not

hold　one　in　slavery　at　any　rate；　yet　the　point　is　not　clear

enough　for　me　to　denounce　people　upon。　　What　next？　　Free　them；

and　make　them　politically　and　socially　our　equals？　　My　own

feelings　will　not　admit　of　this；　and　if　mine　would；　we　well　know

that　those　of　the　great　mass　of　whites　will　not。　　Whether　this

feeling　accords　with　justice　and　sound　judgment　is　not　the　sole

question；　if　indeed　it　is　any　part　of　it。　　A　universal　feeling；

whether　well　or　ill　founded；　cannot　be　safely　disregarded。　　We

cannot　then　make　them　equals。　　It　does　seem　to　me　that　systems　of

gradual　emancipation　might　be　adopted；　but　for　their　tardiness　in

this　I　will　not　undertake　to　judge　our　brethren　of　the　South。



When　they　remind　us　of　their　constitutional　rights；　I　acknowledge

themnot　grudgingly；　but　fully　and　fairly；　and　I　would　give　them

any　legislation　for　the　reclaiming　of　their　fugitives　which

should　not　in　its　stringency　be　more　likely　to　carry　a　free　man

into　slavery　than　our　ordinary　criminal　laws　are　to　hang　an

innocent　one。



But　all　this；　to　my　judgment；　furnishes　no　more　excuse　for

permitting　slavery　to　go　into　our　own　free　territory　than　it

would　for　reviving　the　African　slave　trade　by　law。　　The　law　which

forbids　the　bringing　of　slaves　from　Africa；　and　that　which　has　so

long　forbidden　the　taking　of　them　into　Nebraska；　can　hardy　be

distinguished　on　any　moral　principle；　and　the　repeal　of　the

former　could　find　quite　as　plausible　excuses　as　that　of　the

latter。



The　arguments　by　which　the　repeal　of　the　Missouri　Compromise　is

sought　to　be　justified　are　these：



First。　　That　the　Nebraska　country　needed　a　territorial

government。



Second。　　That　in　various　ways　the　public　had　repudiated　that

compromise　and　demanded　the　repeal；　and　therefore　should　not　now

complain　of　it。



　And；　lastly；　That　the　repeal　establishes　a　principle　which　is

intrinsically　right。



I　will　attempt　an　answer　to　each　of　them　in　its　turn。



First；　then：　If　that　country　was　in　need　of　a　territorial

organization；　could　it　not　have　had　it　as　well　without　as　with　a

repeal？　　Iowa　and　Minnesota；　to　both　of　which　the　Missouri

restriction　applied；

had；　without　its　repeal；　each　in　succession；　territorial

organizations。　　And　even　the　year　before；　a　bill　for　Nebraska

itself　was　within　an　ace　of　passing　without　the　repealing　clause；

and　this　in　the　hands　of　the　same　men　who　are　now　the　champions

of　repeal。　　Why　no　necessity　then　for　repeal？　　But　still　later；

when　this　very　bill　was　first　brought　in；　it　contained　no　repeal。

But；　say　they；　because　the　people　had　demanded；　or　rather

commanded；　the　repeal；　the　repeal　was　to　accompany　the

organization　whenever　that　should　occur。



Now；　I　deny　that　the　public　ever　demanded　any　such　thingever

repudiated　the　Missouri　Compromise；　ever　commanded　its　repeal。　　I

deny　it；　and　call　for　the　proof。　　It　is　not　contended；　I　believe；

that　any　such　command　has　ever　been　given　in　express　terms。　　It

is　only　said　that　it　was　done　in　principle。　　The　support　of　the

Wilmot　Proviso　is　the　first　fact　mentioned　to　prove　that　the

Missouri　restriction　was　repudiated　in　principle；　and　the　second

is　the　refusal　to　extend　the　Missouri　line　over　the　country

acquired　from　Mexico。　　These　are　near　enough　alike　to　be　treated

together。　　The　one　was　to　exclude　the　chances　of　slavery　from　the

whole　new　acquisition　by　the　lump；　and　the　other　was　to　reject　a

division　of　it；　by　which　one　half　was　to　be　given　up　to　those

chances。　　Now；　whether　this　was　a　repudiation　of　the　Missouri

line　in　principle　depends　upon　whether　the　Missouri　law　contained

any　principle　requiring　the　line　to　be　extended　over　the　country

acquired　from　Mexico。　　I　contend　it　did　not。　　I　insist　that　it

contained　no　general　principle；　but　that　it　was；　in　every　sense；

specific。　　That　its　terms　limit　it　to　the　country　purchased　from

France　is　undenied　and　undeniable。　　It　could　have　no　principle

beyond　the　intention　of　those　who　made　it。　　They　did　not　intend

to　extend　the　line　to　country　which　they　did　not　own。　　If　they

intended　to　extend　it　in　the　event　of　acquiring　additional

territory；　why　did　they　not　say　so？　　It　was　just　as　easy　to　say

that　〃in　all　the　country　west　of　the　Mississippi　which　we　now

own；　or　may　hereafter　acquire；　there　shall　never　be　slavery；〃　as

to　say　what　they　did　say；　and　they　would　have　said　it　if　they　had

meant　it。　　An　intention　to　extend　the　law　is　not　only　not

mentioned　in　the　law；　but　is　not　mentioned　in　any　contemporaneous

history。　　Both　the　law　itself；　and　the　history　of　the　times；　are

a　blank　as　to　any　principle　of　extension；　and　by　neither　the

known　rules　of　construing　statutes　and　contracts；　nor　by　common

sense；　can　any　such　principle　be　inferred。



Another　fact　showing　the　specific　character　of　the　Missouri　law

showing　that　it　intended　no　more　than　it　expressed；　showing　that

the　line　was　not　intended　as　a　universal　dividing　line　between

Free　and　Slave　territory；　present　and　prospective；　north　of　which

slavery　could　never　gois　the　fact　that　by　that　very　law

Missouri　came　in　as　a　slave　State；　north　of　the　line。　　If　that

law　contained　any　prospective　principle；　the　whole　law　must　be

looked　to　in　order　to　ascertain　what　the　principle　was。　　And　by

this　rule　the　South　could　fairly　contend　that；　inasmuch　as　they

got　one　slave　State　north　of　the　line　at　the　inception　of　the

law；　they　have　the　right　to　have　another　given　them　north　of　it

occasionally；　now　and　then；　in　the　indefinite　westward　extension

of　the