the vested interests and the common man-第26章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


stirring　times　of　the　Era　of　State…making；　when　the　princes　and　
prelates　〃tore　each　other　in　the　slime。〃　It　was　of　a　proprietary　
nature；　a　vested　interest；　something　in　the　nature　of　intangible　
assets　which　embodied　the　usufruct　of　the　realm；　including　its　
population　and　resources；　and　which　could　be　turned　to　account　in　
the　pursuit　of　princely　or　dynastic　advantages　at　home　and　
abroad。　This　divine　right　of　princes　was　disallowed　among　the　
more　civilised　peoples　on　the　transition　to　modern　ways　of　
thinking；　and　the　sovereign　rights　of　the　prince　were　then　taken　
over　　at　least　in　form　and　principle　　by　the　people　at　large；　
and　they　have　continued　to　be　held　by　them　as　some　sort　of　
imponderable　〃community　property；〃　　at　least　in　point　of　form　
and　profession。　The　vested　interest　of　the　prince　or　the　dynasty　
in　the　usufruct　of　the　underlying　community　is　thereby　presumed　
to　have　become　a　collective　interest　vested　in　the　people　of　the　
nations　and　giving　them　a　〃right　of　user〃　in　their　own　persons；　
knowledge；　skill　and　resources。　
　　　　The　mantle　of　princely　sovereignty　has　fallen　on　the　common　
man　　formally　and　according　to　the　letter　of　the　legal　
instruments。　In　practical　effect；　as　〃democratic　sovereignty〃　it　
has　been　converted　into　a　cloak　to　cover　the　nakedness　of　a　
government　which　does　business　for　the　kept　classes。　In　practical　
effect；　the　shift　from　the　dynastic　politics　of　the　era　of　
state…making　to　the　Liberal　policies　based　on　the　enlightened　
principles　of　the　eighteenth　century　has　been　a　shift　from　the　
pursuit　of　princely　dominion　to　an　imperialistic　enterprise　for　
the　protection　and　furtherance　of　those　vested　interests　that　are　
domiciled　within　the　national　frontiers。　That　such　has　been　the　
practical　outcome　is　due　to　the　fact　that　these　enlightened　
principles　of　the　eighteenth　century　comprise　as　their　chief　
article　the　〃natural〃　right　of　ownership。　The　later　course　of　
events　has　decided　that　the　ownership　of　property　in　sufficiently　
large　blocks　will　control　the　country's　industrial　system　and　
thereby　take　over　the　disposal　of　the　community's　net　output　of　
product　over　cost；　on　which　the　vested　interests　live　and　on　
which；　therefore；　the　kept　classes　feed。　Hence　the　chief　concern　
of　those　gentlemanly　national　governments　that　have　displaced　the　
dynastic　states　is　always　and　consistently　the　maintenance　of　the　
rights　of　ownership　and　investment。　
　　　　However；　these　pecuniary　interests　of　investment　and　free　
income　are　not　all　that　is　covered　by　the　mantle　of　democratic　
sovereignty。　Nor　will　it　hold　true　that　the　common　man　has　no　
share　in　the　legacy　of　sovereignty　and　national　enterprise　which　
the　enlightened　democratic　commonwealth　has　taken　over　from　the　
departed　dynastic　r間ime。　The　divine　right　of　the　prince　included　
certain　imponderables；　as　well　as　the　usufruct　of　the　material　
resources　of　the　realm。　There　were　the　princely　dignity　and　
honor；　which　were　no　less　substantial　an　object　of　value　and　
ambition　and　were　no　less　tenaciously　held　by　the　princes　of　the　
dynastic　r間ime　than　the　revenues　and　material　〃sinews　of　war〃　on　
which　the　prestige　and　honor　rested。　And　the　common　man　of　the　
democratic　commonwealth　has　at　least　come　in　for　a　ratable　share　
in　these　imponderables　of　prestige　and　honor　that　so　are　
comprised　under　the　divine　right　of　the　nation。　He　has　an　
undivided　interest　in　the　glamour　of　national　achievement；　and　he　
can　swell　with　just　pride　in　contemplating　the　triumphs　of　his　
gentlemanly　government　over　the　vested　interests　domiciled　in　any　
foreign　land；　or　with　just　indignation　at　any　diplomatic　setback　
suffered　by　the　vested　interests　domiciled　in　his　own。　
　　　　There　is　also　a　more　tangible；　though　more　petty；　advantage　
gained　for　the　common　man　in　having　formally　taken　over　the　
sovereignty　from　the　dead　hand　of　the　dynastic　prince。　The　common　
man　being　now　vested　with　the　divine　right　of　national　
sovereignty；　held　in　undivided　community　ownership；　it　is　
ceremonially　necessary　for　the　gentlemanly　stewards　of　the　kept　
classes　to　consult　the　wishes　of　this　their　sovereign　on　any　
matters　of　policy　that　can　not　wholly　be　carried　through　in　a　
diplomatic　corner　and　under　cover　of　night　and　cloud。　He；　
collectively；　holds　an　eventual　power　of　veto。　And　this　power　of　
veto　has　in　practice　been　found　to　be　something　of　a　safeguard　
against　any　universal　and　enduring　increase　of　hardship　at　the　
hands　of　the　gentlemen…investors　to　whom　the　conduct　of　the　
nation's　affairs　has　been　〃entrusted；〃　a　very　modest　safeguard；　
it　is　true；　but　always　of　some　eventual　consequence。　There　is　the　
difference　that　in　the　democratic　commonwealth　the　common　man　has　
to　be　managed　rather　than　driven；　　except　for　minor　groups　of　
common　men　who　live　on　the　lower…common　levels；　and　except　for　
recurrent　periods　of　legislative　hysteria　and　judiciary　
blind…staggers。　And　it　is　pleasanter　to　be　managed　than　to　be　
driven。　Chicane　is　a　more　humane　art　than　corporal　punishment。　
Imperial　England　is；　after　all；　a　milder…mannered　stepmother　than　
Imperial　Germany。　
　　　　And　always　the　common　man　comes　in　for　his　ratable　share　in　
the　glamour　of　national　achievement；　in　war　and　peace；　and　this　
imponderable　gain　of　the　spirit　is　also　something。　The　value　of　
these　collective　imponderables　of　national　prestige　and　
collective　honor　is　not　to　be　made　light　of。　These　count　for　very　
much　in　the　drift　and　set　of　national　sentiment；　and　moral　issues　
of　national　moment　are　wont　to　arise　out　of　them。　Indeed；　they　
constitute　the　chief　incentive　which　holds　the　common　man　to　an　
unrepining　constancy　in　the　service　of　the　〃national　interests；〃　
So　that；　while　the　tangible　shell　of　material　gain　appears　to　
have　fallen　to　the　democratic　community's　kept　classes；　yet　the　
〃psychic　income〃　that　springs　from　national　enterprise；　the　
spiritual　kernel　of　national　elation　they　share　with　the　common　
man　on　an　equitable　footing　of　community　interest。　
　　　　The　vested　rights　of　the　nation　are　of　the　essence　of　that　
order　of　things　which　enjoys　the　unqualified　sanction　of　the　
modern　point　of　view；　Like　any　other　vested　interest；　these　
rights　are　conceived　in　other　terms　than　those　which　are　native　
to　the　new　order　of　material　science　and　technology。　They　are　of　
an　older　and　more　spiritual　order；　so　far　as　regards　the　
principles　of　knowledge　and　belief　on　which　they　rest。　But　
whatever　may　be　their　remoter　pedigree；　they　have　the　sanction　of　
that　body　of　principles　that　is　called　the　modern　point　of　view；　
and　they　belong　in　the　scheme　of　things　handed　on　by　the　Liberal　
movement　of　the　eighteenth　and　nineteenth　century。　Apart　from　the　
imponderable　values　which　fall　under　the　head　of　national　
prestige；　these　vested　rights　of　the　nation　can　be　defined　as　an　
extension　to　the　commonwealth　of　the　same　natural　rights　of　
self…direction　and　personal　security　　free　contract　and　
self…help　　that　are　secured　to　the　individual　citizen　under　the　
common　law。　
　　　　Yet；　while　the　national　policies　of　the　democratic　
commonwealths　are　managed　by　Liberal　statesmen　in　behalf　of　the　
vested　interests；　they　still　run　on　the　ancient　lines　of　dynastic　
statecraft；　as　worked　out　by　the　statesmen　of　the　ancient　r間ime；　
and　the　common　man　is　still　passably　content　to　see　the　traffic　
run　along　on　those　lines。　The　things　which　are　considered　
desirable　to　be　done　in　the　way　of　national　enterprise；　as　well　
as　the　sufficient　reasons　for　doing　them；　still　have　much　of　the　
medieval　color。　National　pretensions；　enterprise；　rivalry；　
intrigue　and　dissensions　among　the　democratic　commonwealths　are　
still　such　as　would　have　been　intelligible　to　Macchiavelli；　
Frederick　the　Great；　Metternich；　Bismarck；　or　the　Elder　Statesmen　
of　Japan。　Diplomatic　intercourse　still　runs　in　the　same　terms　of　
systematised　prevarication；　and　still　turns　about　the　same　
schedule　of　national　pretensions　that　contented　the　medieval　
spirit　of　these　masters　of　dynastic　intrigue。　As　a　matter　of　
course　and　of　common　sense　the　nations　still　conceive　themselves　
to　be　rivals；　whose　national　interests　are　incompatib