the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第12章

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rms；　conspiracies；　spies；　ambushes　　and　fraud；　to　do　so　is　a　sacred　and　necessary　work。　There　is　no　more　　acceptable　sacrifice　than　the　blood　of　a　tyrant。'　We　need　not　occupy　　ourselves　with　individual　cases；　Machiavelli；　in　a　famous　chapter　of　　his　'Discorsi；'　treats　of　the　conspiracies　of　ancient　and　modern　times　　from　the　days　of　the　Greek　tyrants　downwards；　and　classifies　them　with　　cold…blooded　indifference　according　to　their　various　plans　and　results。　　We　need　make　but　two　observations；　first　on　the　murders　committed　in　　church；　and　next　on　the　influence　of　classical　antiquity。　So　well　was　　the　tyrant　guarded　that　it　was　almost　impossible　to　lay　hands　upon　him　　elsewhere　than　at　solemn　religious　services；　and　on　no　other　occasion　　was　the　whole　family　to　be　found　assembled　together。　It　was　thus　that　　the　Fabrianese　murdered　（1435）　the　members　of　their　ruling　house；　the　　Chiavelli；　during　high　mass；　the　signal　being　given　by　the　words　of　the　　Creed；　'Et　incarnatus　est。'　At　Milan　the　Duke　Giovan　Maria　Visconti　　（1412）　was　assassinated　at　the　entrance　of　the　church　of　San　Gottardo　　Galeazzo　Maria　Sforza　（1476）　in　the　church　of　Santo　Stefano；　and　　Lodovico　il　Moro　only　escaped　（1484）　the　daggers　of　the　adherents　of　　the　widowed　Duchess　Bona；　through　entering　the　church　of　Sant'　Ambrogio　　by　another　door　than　that　by　which　he　was　expected。　There　was　no　　intentional　impiety　in　the　act；　the　assassins　of　Galeazzo　did　not　fail　　to　pray　before　the　murder　to　the　patron　saint　of　the　church；　and　to　　listen　devoutly　to　the　first　mass。　It　was；　however；　one　cause　of　the　　partial　failure　of　the　conspiracy　of　the　Pazzi　against　Lorenzo　and　　Giuliano　Medici　（1478）；　that　the　brigand　Montesecco；　who　had　bargained　　to　commit　the　murder　at　a　banquet；　declined　to　undertake　it　in　the　　Cathedral　of　Florence。　Certain　of　the　clergy　'who　were　familiar　with　　the　sacred　place；　and　consequently　had　no　fear'　were　induced　to　act　in　　his　stead。　

As　to　the　imitation　of　antiquity；　the　influence　of　which　on　moral；　and　　more　especially　on　political；　questions　we　shall　often　refer　to；　the　　example　was　set　by　the　rulers　themselves；　who；　both　in　their　conception　　of　the　State　and　in　their　personal　conduct；　took　t　he　old　Roman　empire　　avowedly　as　their　model。　In　like　manner　their　opponents；　when　they　set　　to　work　with　a　deliberate　theory；　took　pattern　by　the　ancient　　tyrannicides。　It　may　be　hard　to　prove　that　in　the　main　point　in　forming　　the　resolve　itself　they　consciously　followed　a　classical　example；　but　　the　appeal　to　antiquity　was　no　mere　phrase。　The　most　striking　　disclosures　have　been　left　us　with　respect　to　the　murderers　of　Galeazzo　　Sforza；　Lampugnani；　Olgiati；　and　Visconti。　Though　all　three　had　　personal　ends　to　serve；　yet　their　enterprise　may　be　partly　ascribed　to　　a　more　general　reason。　About　this　time　Cola　de'　Montani；　a　humanist　and　　professor　of　eloquence；　had　awakened　among　many　of　the　young　Milanese　　nobility　a　vague　passion　for　glory　and　patriotic　achievements；　and　had　　mentioned　to　Lampugnani　and　Olgiati　his　hope　of　delivering　Milan。　　Suspicion　was　soon　aroused　against　him：　he　was　banished　from　the　city；　　and　his　pupils　were　abandoned　to　the　fanaticism　he　had　excited。　Some　　ten　days　before　the　deed　they　met　together　and　took　a　solemn　oath　in　　the　monastery　of　Sant'　Ambrogio。　'Then；'　says　Olgiati；　'in　a　remote　　corner　I　raised　my　eyes　before　the　picture　of　the　patron　saint；　and　　implored　his　help　for　ourselves　and　for　all　h*　people。'　The　heavenly　　protector　of　the　city　was　called　on　to　bless　the　undertaking；　as　was　　afterwards　St。　Stephen；　in　whose　church　it　was　fulfilled。　Many　of　their　　comrades　were　now　informed　of　the　plot；　nightly　meetings　were　held　in　　the　house　of　Lampugnani；　and　the　conspirators　practiced　for　the　murder　　with　the　sheaths　of　their　daggers。　The　attempt　was　successful；　but　　Lampugnani　was　killed　on　the　spot　by　the　attendants　of　the　duke；　the　　others　were　captured：　Visconti　was　penitent；　but　Olgiati　through　all　　his　tortures　maintained　that　the　deed　was　an　acceptable　offering　to　　God；　and　exclaimed　while　the　executioner　was　breaking　his　ribs；　　'Courage；　Girolamo！　thou　wilt　long　be　remembered；　death　is　bitter；　but　　glory　is　eternal。'　

But　however　idealistic　the　object　and　purpose　of　such　conspiracies　may　　appear；　the　manner　in　which　they　were　conducted　betrays　the　influence　　of　that　worst　of　all　conspirators；　Catiline；　a　man　in　whose　thoughts　　freedom　had　no　place　whatever。　The　annals　of　Siena　tell　us　expressly　　that　the　conspirators　were　students　of　Sallust；　and　the　fact　is　　indirectly　confirmed　by　the　confession　of　Olgiati。　Elsewhere；　too；　we　　meet　with　the　name　of　Catiline；　and　a　more　attractive　pattern　of　the　　conspirator；　apart　from　the　end　he　followed；　could　hardly　be　　discovered。　

Among　the　Florentines；　whenever　they　got　rid　of；　or　tried　to　get　rid　　of；　the　Medici；　tyrannicide　was　a　practice　universally　accepted　and　　approved。　After　the　flight　of　the　Medici　in　1494；　the　bronze　group　of　　Donatello　Judith　with　the　dead　Holofernes　was　taken　from　their　　collection　and　placed　before　the　Palazzo　della　Signoria；　on　the　spot　　where　the　'David'　of　Michelangelo　now　stands；　with　the　inscription；　　'Exemplum　salutis　publicae　cives　posuere　1495。　No　example　was　more　　popular　than　that　of　the　younger　Brutus；　who；　in　Dante；　lies　with　　Cassius　and　Judas　Iscariot　in　the　lowest　pit　of　hell；　because　of　his　　treason　to　the　empire。　Pietro　Paolo　Boscoli；　whose　plot　against　　Giuliano；　Giovanni；　and　Giulio　Medici　failed　（1513）；　was　an　　enthusiastic　admirer　of　Brutus；　and　in　order　to　follow　his　steps；　only　　waited　to　find　a　Cassius。　Such　a　partner　he　met　with　in　Agostino　　Capponi。　His　last　utterances　in　prison　a　striking　evidence　of　the　　religious　feeling　of　the　time　show　with　what　an　effort　he　rid　his　mind　　of　these　classical　imaginations；　in　order　to　die　like　a　Christian。　A　　friend　and　the　confessor　both　had　to　assure　him　that　St。　Thomas　Aquinas　　condemned　conspirators　absolutely；　but　the　confessor　afterwards　　admitted　to　the　same　friend　that　St。　Thomas　drew　a　distinction　and　　permitted　conspiracies　against　a　tyrant　who　bad　forced　himself　on　a　　people　against　their　will。　

After　Lorenzino　Medici　had　murdered　the　Duke　Alessandro　（1537）；　and　　then　escaped；　an　apology　for　the　deed　appeared；8　which　is　probably　his　　own　work；　and　certainly　composed　in　his　interest；　and　in　which　he　　praises　tyrannicide　as　an　act　of　the　highest　merit；　on　the　supposition　　that　Alessandro　was　a　legitimate　Medici；　and；　therefore；　related　to　　him；　if　only　distantly；　he　boldly　compares　himself　with　Timoleon；　who　　slew　his　brother　for　his　country's　sake。　Others；　on　the　same　occasion；　　made　use　of　the　comparison　with　Brutus；　and　that　Michelangelo　himself；　　even　late　in　life；　was　not　unfriendly　to　ideas　of　this　kind；　may　be　　inferred　from　his　bust　of　Brutus　in　the　Bargello。　He　left　it　　unfinished；　like　nearly　all　his　works；　but　certainly　not　because　the　　murder　of　Caesar　was　repugnant　to　his　feeling；　as　the　couplet　beneath　　declares。　

A　popular　radicalism　in　the　form　in　which　it　is　opposed　to　the　　monarchies　of　later　times；　is　not　to　be　found　in　the　despotic　States　of　　the　Renaissance。　Each　individual　protested　inwardly　against　despotism　　but　was　disposed　to　make　tolerable　or　profitable　terms　with　it　rather　　than　to　combine　with　others　for　its　destruction。　Things　must　have　been　　as　bad　as　at　Camerino；　Fabriano；　or　Rimini；　before　the　citizens　united　　to　destroy　or　expel　the　ruling　house。　They　knew　in　most　cases　only　too　　well　that　this　would　but　mean　a　change　of　masters。　The　star　of　the　　Republics　was　certainly　on　the　decline。　

The　Republics：　Venice　and　Florence

The　Italian　municipalities　had；　in　earlier　days；　given　signal　proof　of　　that　force　which　transforms　the　city　into　the　State。　It　remained　only　　that　these　cities　should　combine　in　a　great　confederation；　and　this　　idea　was　constantly　recurring　to　Italian　statesmen；　whatever　　differences　of　form　it　might　from　time　to　time　display。　In　fact；　during　　the　struggles　of　the　twelfth　and　thirteenth　centuries；　great　and　　formidable　leagues　actually　were　formed　by　the　cities；　and　Sismondi　is　　of　opinion　that　the　time　of　the　final　armaments　of　the　Lombard　　confederation　against　Barbarossa　（from　1168　on）　was　the　moment　whe