the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第14章

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een　able　from　the　beginning　to　treat　of　foreign　　affairs　with　the　fullest　and　calmest　reflection；　and　ignore　nearly　　altogether　the　parties　which　divided　the　rest　of　Italy；　to　escape　the　　entanglement　of　permanent　alliances；　and　to　set　the　highest　price　on　　those　which　it　thought　fit　to　make。　The　keynote　of　the　Venetian　　character　was；　consequently；　a　spirit　of　proud　and　contemptuous　　isolation；　which；　joined　to　the　hatred　felt　for　the　city　by　the　other　　States　of　Italy；　gave　rise　to　a　strong　sense　of　solidarity　within　The　　inhabitants　meanwhile　were　united　by　the　most　powerful　ties　of　interest　　in　dealing　both　with　the　colonies　and　with　the　possessions　on　the　　mainland；　forcing　the　population　of　the　latter；　that　is；　of　all　the　　towns　up　to　Bergamo；　to　buy　and　sell　in　Venice　alone。　A　power　which　　rested　on　means　so　artificial　could　only　be　maintained　by　internal　　harmony　and　unity；　and　this　conviction　was　so　widely　diffused　among　the　　citizens　that　conspirators　found　few　elements　to　work　upon。　And　the　　discontented；　if　there　were　such；　were　held　so　far　apart　by　the　　division　between　the　noble　and　the　burgher　that　a　mutual　understanding　　was　not　easy。　On　the　other　hand；　within　the　ranks　of　the　nobility　　itself；　travel；　commercial　enterprise；　and　tb^　incessant　wars　with　the　　Turks　saved　the　wealthy　and　dangerous　from　that　fruitful　source　of　　conspiracies　idleness。　In　these　wars　they　were　spared；　often　to　a　　criminal　extent；　by　the　general　in　command；　and　the　fall　of　the　city　　was　predicted　by　a　Venetian　Cato；　if　this　fear　of　the　nobles　'to　give　o　　ne　another　pain'　should　continue　at　the　expense　of　justice。　　Nevertheless　this　free　movement　in　the　open　air　gave　the　Venetian　　aristocracy；　as　a　whole；　a　healthy　bias。　

And　when　envy　and　ambition　called　for　satisfaction；　an　official　victim　　was　forthcoming　and　legal　means　and　authorities　were　ready。　The　moral　　torture　which　for　years　the　Doge　Francesco　Foscari　（d。　1457）　suffered　　before　the　eyes　of　all　Venice　is　a　frightful　example　of　a　vengeance　　possible　only　in　an　aristocracy。　The　Council　of　Ten；　which　had　a　hand　　in　everything；　which　disposed　without　appeal　of　life　and　death；　of　S　　financial　affairs　and　military　appointments；　which　included　the　　Inquisitors　among　its　number；　and　which　overthrew　Foscari；　as　it　had　　overthrown　so　many　powerful　men　before　this　Council　was　yearly　chosen　　afresh　from　the　whole　governing　body；　the　Gran　Consiglio；　and　was　　consequently　the　most　direct　expression　of　its　will。　It　is　not　probable　　that　serious　intrigues　occurred　at　these　elections；　as　the　short　　duration　of　the　office　and　the　accountability　which　followed　rendered　　it　an　object　of　no　great　desire。　But　violent　and　mysterious　as　the　　proceedings　of　this　and　other　authorities　might　be；　the　genuine　　Venetian　courted　rather　than　fled　their　sentence；　not　only　because　the　　Republic　had　long　arms；　and　if　it　could　not　catch　him　might　punish　his　　family；　but　because　in　most　cases　it　acted　from　rational　motives　and　　not　from　a　thirst　for　blood。　No　State；　indeed；　has　ever　exercised　a　　greater　moral　influence　over　its　subjects；　whether　abroad　or　at　home。　　If　traitors　were　to　be　found　among　the　Pregadi；　there　was　ample　　compensation　for　this　in　the　fact　that　every　Venetian　away　from　home　　was　a　born　spy　for　his　government。　It　was　a　matter　of　course　that　the　　Venetian　cardinals　at　Rome　sent　home　news　of　the　transactions　of　the　　secret　papal　consistories。　The　Cardinal　Domenico　Grimani　had　the　　dispatches　intercepted　in　the　neighbourhood　of　Rome　（1500）　which　　Ascanio　Sforza　was　sending　to　his　brother　Lodovico　il　Moro；　and　　forwarded　them　to　Venice；　his　father；　then　exposed　to　a　serious　　accusation；　claimed　public　credit　for　this　service　of　his　son　before　　the　Gran　Consiglio；　in　other　words；　before　all　the　world。　

The　conduct　of　the　Venetian　government　to　the　Condottieri　in　its　pay　　has　been　spoken　of　already。　The　only　further　guarantee　of　their　　fidelity　which　could　be　obtained　lay　in　their　great　number；　by　which　　treachery　was　made　as　difficult　as　its　discovery　was　easy。　In　looking　　at　the　Venetian　army　list；　one　is　only　surprised　that　among　forces　of　　such　miscellaneous　composition　any　common　action　was　possible。　In　the　　catalogue　for　the　campaign　of　1495　we　find　15；526　horsemen；　broken　up　　into　a　number　of　small　divisions。　Gonzaga　of　Mantua　alone　had　as　many　　as　I；200；　and　Gioffredo　Borgia　740；　then　follow　six　officers　with　a　　contingent　of　600　to　700；　ten　with　400；　twelve　with　400　to　200；　　fourteen　or　thereabouts　with　200　to　100；　nine　with　80；　six　with　50　to　　60；　and　so　forth。　These　forces　were　partly　composed　of　old　Venetian　　troops；　partly　of　veterans　led　by　Venetian　city　or　country　nobles；　the　　majority　of　the　leaders　were；　however；　princes　and　rulers　of　cities　or　　their　relatives。　To　these　forces　must　be　added　24；000　infantry　we　are　　not　told　how　they　were　raised　or　commanded　with　3；300　additional　　troops；　who　probably　belonged　to　the　special　services。　In　time　of　peace　　the　cities　of　the　mainland　were　wholly　unprotected　or　occupied　by　　insignificant　garrisons。　Venice　relied；　if　not　exactly　on　the　loyalty；　　at　least　on　the　good　sense　of　its　subjects；　in　the　war　of　the　League　of　　Cambrai　（1509）　it　absolved　them；　as　is　well　known；　from　their　oath　of　　allegiance；　and　let　them　compare　the　amenities　of　a　foreign　occupation　　with　the　mild　government　to　which　they　had　been　accustomed。　As　there　　had　been　no　treason　in　their　desertion　of　St。　Mark；　and　consequently　no　　punishment　was　to　be　feared；　they　returned　to　their　old　masters　with　　the　utmost　eagerness。　This　war；　we　may　remark　parenthetically；　was　the　　result　of　a　century's　outcry　against　the　Venetian　desire　for　　aggrandizement。　The　Venetians；　in　fact；　were　not　free　from　the　mistake　　of　those　over…clever　people　who　will　credit　their　opponents　with　no　　irrational　and　inconsiderate　conduct。　Misled　by　this　optimism；　which　　is；　perhaps；　a　peculiar　weakness　of　aristocracies；　they　had　utterly　　ignored　not　only　the　preparations　of　Mohammed　II　for　the　capture　of　　Constantinople；　but　even　the　armaments　of　Charles　VIII；　till　the　　unexpected　blow　fell　at　last。　The　League　of　Cambrai　was　an　event　of　the　　same　character；　in　so　far　as　it　was　clearly　opposed　to　the　interests　of　　the　two　chief　members；　Louis　XII　and　Julius　II。　The　hatred　of　all　Italy　　against　t｝e　victorious　city　seemed　to　be　concentrated　in　the　mind　of　　the　Pope；　and　to　have　blinded　him　to　the　evils　of　foreign　intervention；　　and　as　to　the　policy　of　Cardinal　d'Amboise　and　his　king；　Venice　ought　　long　before　to　have　recognized　it　as　a　piece　of　malicious　imbecility；　　and　to　have　been　thoroughly　on　its　guard。　The　other　members　of　the　　League　took　part　in　it　from　that　envy　which　may　be　a　salutary　　corrective　to　great　wealth　and　power；　but　which　in　itself　is　a　beggarly　　sentiment。　Venice　came　out　of　the　conflict　with　honour；　but　not　without　　lasting　damage。

A　power　whose　foundations　were　so　complicated；　whose　activity　and　　interests　filled　so　wide　a　stage；　cannot　be　imagined　without　a　　systematic　oversight　of　the　whole；　without　a　regular　estimate　of　means　　and　burdens；　of　profits　and　losses。　Venice　can　fairly　make　good　its　　claim　to　be　the　birthplace　of　statistical　science；　together；　perhaps；　　with　Florence；　and　followed　by　the　more　enlightened　despotisms。　The　　feudal　state　of　the　Middle　Ages　knew　of　nothing　more　than　catalogues　of　　seignorial　rights　and　possessions　（urbaria）；　it　looked　on　production　as　　a　fixed　quantity；　which　it　approximately　is；　so　long　as　we　have　to　do　　with　landed　property　only。　The　towns；　on　the　other　hand；　throughout　the　　West　must　from　very　early　times　have　treated　production；　which　with　　them　depended　on　industry　and　commerce；　as　exceedingly　variable；　but　　even　in　the　most　flourishing　times　of　the　Hanseatic　League；　they　never　　got　beyond　a　simple　commercial　balance…sheet。　Fleets；　armies；　political　　power　and　influence　fall　under　the　debit　and　credit　of　a　trader's　　ledger。　In　the　Italian　States　a　clear　political　consciousness；　the　　pattern　of　Mohammedan　administration；　and　the　long　and　active　exercise　　of　trade　and　commerce；　combined　to　produce　for　the　first　time　a　true　　science　of　statistics。　The　absolute　monarchy　of　Frederick　II　in　Lower　　Italy　was　organized　with　the　sole　object　of