the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第17章

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l　is　left　to　us；　before　the　freedom　a　nd　greatness　of　the　　city　sank　into　the　grave。　

This　statistical　estimate　of　outward　life　is；　however；　uniformly　　accompanied　by　the　narrative　of　political　events　to　which　we　have　　already　referred。　Florence　not　only　existed　under　political　forms　more　　varied　than　those　of　the　free　States　of　Italy　and　of　Europe　generally；　　but　it　reflected　upon　them　far　more　deeply。　It　is　a　faithful　mirror　of　　the　relations　of　individuals　and　classes　to　a　variable　whole。　The　　pictures　of　the　great　civic　democracies　in　France　and　in　Flanders；　as　　they　are　delineated　in　Froissart；　and　the　narratives　of　the　German　　chroniclers　of　the　fourteenth　century；　are　in　truth　of　high　importance；　　but　in　comprehensiveness　of　thought　and　in　the　rational　development　of　　the　story；　none　will　bear　comparison　with　the　Florentines。　The　rule　of　　the　nobility；　the　tyrannies；　the　struggles　of　the　middle　class　with　the　　proletariat；　limited　and　unlimited　democracy；　pseudo…democracy；　the　　primacy　o？　a　single　house；　the　theocracy　of　Savonarola；　and　the　mixed　　forms　of　government　which　prepared　the　way　for　the　Medicean　despotism　　all　are　so　described　that　the　inmost　motives　of　the　actors　are　laid　　bare　to　the　light。　At　length　Machiavelli　in　his　Florentine　history　　（down　to　1492）　represents　his　native　city　as　a　living　organism　and　its　　development　as　a　natural　and　individual　process；　he　is　the　first　of　the　　moderns　who　has　risen　to　such　a　conception。　It　lies　without　our　　province　to　determine　whether　and　in　what　points　Machiavelli　may　have　　done　violence　to　history；　as　is　notoriously　the　case　in　his　life　of　　Castruccio　Castracania　fancy　picture　of　the　typical　despot。　We　might　　find　something　to　say　against　every　line　of　the　'Storie　Fiorentine；'　　and　yet　the　great　and　unique　value　of　the　whole　would　remain　　unaffected。　And　his　contemporaries　and　successors；　Jacopo　Pitti；　　Guicciardini；　Segni；　Varchi；　Vettori；　what　a　circle　of　illustrious　　names！　And　what　a　story　it　is　which　these　masters　tell　us！　The　great　　and　memorable　drama　of　the　last　decades　of　the　Florentine　republic　is　　here　unfolded。　The　voluminous　record　of　the　collapse　of　the　highest　and　　most　original　life　which　the　world　could　then　show　may　appear　to　one　　but　as　a　collection　of　curiosities；　may　awaken　in　another　a　devilish　　delight　at　the　shipwreck　of　so　much　nobility　and　grandeur；　to　a　third　　may　seem　like　a　great　historical　assize；　for　all　it　will　be　an　object　　of　thought　and　study　to　the　end　of　time。　The　evil　which　was　for　ever　　troubling　the　peace　of　the　city　was　its　rule　over　once　powerful　and　now　　conquered　rivals　like　Pisa…a　rule　of　which　the　necessary　consequence　　was　a　chronic　state　of　violence。　The　only　remedy；　certainly　an　extreme　　one　and　which　none　but　Savonarola　could　have　persuaded　Florence　to　　accept；　and　that　only　with　the　help　of　favourable　chances；　would　have　　been　the　well…timed　dissolution　of　Tuscany　into　a　federal　union　of　free　　cities。　At　a　later　period　this　scheme；　then　no　more　than　the　dream　of　a　　past　age；　brought　（1548）　a　patriotic　citizen　of　Lucca　to　the　scaffold。

From　this　evil　and　from　the　ill…starred　Guelph　sympathies　of　Florence　　for　a　foreign　prince；　which　familiarized　it　with　foreign　intervention；　　came　all　the　disasters　which　followed。　But　who　does　not　admire　the　　people　which　was　wrought　up　by　its　venerated　preacher　to　a　mood　of　such　　sustained　loftiness　that　for　the　first　time　in　Italy　it　set　the　example　　of　sparing　a　conquered　foe　while　the　whole　history　of　its　past　taught　　nothing　but　vengeance　and　extermination？　The　glow　which　melted　　patriotism　into　one　with　moral　regeneration　may　seem；　when　looked　at　　from　a　distance；　to　have　soon　passed　away；　but　its　best　results　shine　　forth　again　in　the　memorable　siege　of　1529…30。　They　were　'fools；'　as　　Guicciardini　then　wrote；　who　drew　down　this　storm　upon　Florence；　but　he　　confesses　himself　that　they　achieved　things　which　seemed　incredible；　　and　when　he　declares　that　sensible　people　would　have　got　out　of　the　way　　of　the　danger；　he　means　no　more　than　that　Florence　ought　to　have　　yielded　itself　silently　and　ingloriously　into　the　hands　of　its　enemies。　　It　would　no　doubt　have　preserved　its　splendid　suburbs　and　gardens；　and　　the　lives　and　prosperity　of　countless　citizens；　but　it　would　have　been　　the　poorer　by　one　of　its　greatest　and　most　ennobling　memories。　

In　many　of　their　chief　merits　the　Florentines　are　the　pattern　and　the　　earliest　type　of　Italians　and　modern　Europeans　generally；　they　are　so　　also　in　many　of　their　defects。　When　Dante　compares　the　city　which　was　　always　mending　its　constitution　with　the　sick　man　who　is　continually　　changing　his　posture　to　escape　from　pain；　he　touches　with　the　　comparison　a　permanent　feature　of　the　political　life　of　Florence。　The　　great　modern　fallacy　that　a　constitution　can　be　made；　can　be　　manufactured　by　a　combination　of　existing　forces　and　tendencies；　was　　constantly　cropping　up　in　stormy　times；　even　Machiavelli　is　not　wholly　　free　from　it。　Constitutional　artists　were　never　wanting　who　by　an　　ingenious　distribution　and　division　of　political　power；　by　indirect　　elections　of　the　most　complicated　kind；　by　the　establishment　of　nominal　　offices；　sought　to　found　a　lasting　order　of　things；　and　to　satisfy　or　　to　deceive　the　rich　and　the　poor　alike。　They　naively　fetch　their　　examples　from　classical　antiquity；　and　borrow　the　party　names　　'ottimati；'　'aristocrazia；'　as　a　matter　of　course。　The　world　since　then　　has　become　used　to　these　expressions　and　given　them　a　conventional　　European　sense；　whereas　all　former　party　names　were　purely　national；　　and　oithor　rhnrnotPrimPrl　tho　rnilqP　nt　iqqllP　or　cnrsnz　from　the　　caprice　of　accident。　But　how　a　name　colors　or　discolors　a　political　　cause！　

But　of　all　who　thought　it　possible　to　construct　a　State；　the　greatest　　beyond　all　comparison　was　Machiavelli。　He　treats　existing　forces　as　　living　and　active；　takes　a　large　and　accurate　view　of　alternative　　possibilities；　and　seeks　to　mislead　neither　himself　nor　others。　No　man　　could　be　freer　from　vanity　or　ostentation；　indeed；　he　does　not　write　　for　the　public；　but　either　for　princes　and　administrators　or　for　　personal　friends。　The　danger　for　him　does　not　lie　in　an　affectation　of　　genius　or　in　a　false　order　of　ideas；　but　rather　in　a　powerful　　imagination　which　he　evidently　controls　with　difficulty。　The　　objectivity　of　his　political　Judgement　is　sometimes　appalling　in　its　　sincerity；　but　it　is　the　sign　of　a　time　of　no　ordinary　need　and　peril；　　when　it　was　a　hard　matter　to　believe　in　right；　or　to　credit　others　with　　just　dealing　Virtuous　indignation　at　his　expense　is　thrown　away　on　us；　　who　have　seen　in　what　sense　political　morality　is　understood　by　the　　statesmen　of　our　own　century。　Machiavelli　was　at　all　events　able　to　　forget　himself　in　his　cause。　In　truth；　although　his　writing　s；　with　the　　exception　of　very　few　words；　are　altogether　destitute　of　enthusiasm；　　and　although　the　Florentines　themselves　treated　him　at　last　as　a　　criminal；　he　was　a　patriot　in　the　fullest　meaning　of　the　word。　But　free　　as　he　was；　like　most　of　his　contemporaries；　in　speech　and　morals；　the　　welfare　of　the　State　was　yet　his　first　and　last　thought。　

His　most　complete　program　for　the　construction　of　a　new　political　　system　at　Florence　is　set　forth　in　the　memorial　to　Leo　X；　composed　　after　the　death　of　the　younger　Lorenzo　Medici；　Duke　of　Urbino　（d。　　1519）；　to　whom　he　had　dedicated　his　'Prince。'　The　State　was　by　that　　time　in　extremities　and　utterly　corrupt；　and　the　remedies　proposed　are　　not　always　morally　justifiable；　but　it　is　most　interesting　to　see　how　　he　hopes　to　set　up　the　republic　in　the　form　of　a　moderate　democracy；　as　　heiress　to　the　Medici。　A　more　ingenious　scheme　of　concessions　to　the　　Pope；　to　the　Pope's　various　adherents；　and　to　the　different　Florentine　　interests；　cannot　be　imagined；　we　might　fancy　ourselves　looking　into　　the　works　of　a　clock。　Principles；　observations；　comparisons；　political　　forecasts；　and　the　like　are　to　be　found　in　numbers　in　the　'Discorsi；'　　among　them　flashes　of　wonderful　insight。　He　recognizes；　for　example；　　the　law　of　a　continuous　though　not　uniform　development　in　republican　　institutions；　and　requires　the　constitution　to　be　flexible　and　capable　　of　change；　as　the　only