the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第4章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


old；　which　wore　itself　out　in　the　passionate　pursuit　of　　impracticable　ends；　was　a　riddle　to　the　Italians。　'The　Swiss　were　only　　peasants；　and　if　they　were　all　killed；　that　would　be　no　satisfaction　　for　the　Burgundian　nobles　who　might　fall　in　the　war。　If　the　Duke　got　　possession　of　all　Switzerland　without　a　struggle；　his　income　would　not　　be　5；000　ducats　the　greater。'　The　mediaeval　features　in　the　character　　of　Charles；　his　chivalrous　aspirations　and　ideals；　had　long　become　　unintelligible　to　the　Italians。　The　diplomatists　of　the　South。　when　　they　saw　him　strike　his　officers　and　yet　keep　them　in　his　service；　when　　he　maltreated　his　troops　to　punish　them　for　a　defeat；　and　then　threw　　the　blame　on　his　counsellors　in　the　presence　of　the　same　troops；　gave　　him　up　for　lost。　Louis　XI；　on　the　other　hand；　whose　policy　surpasses　　that　of　the　Italian　princes　in　their　own　style；　and　who　was　an　avowed　　admirer　of　Francesco　Sforza；　must　be　placed　in　all　that　regards　culture　　and　refinement　far　below　these　rulers。

Good　and　evil　lie　strangely　mixed　together　in　the　Italian　States　of　the　　fifteenth　century。　The　personality　of　the　ruler　is　so　highly　developed；　　often　of　such　deep　significance；　and　so　characteristic　of　the　　conditions　and　needs　of　the　time；　that　to　form　an　adequate　moral　　judgement　on　it　is　no　easy　task。

The　foundation　of　the　system　was　and　remained　illegitimate；　and　nothing　　could　remove　the　curse　which　rested　upon　it。　The　imperial　approval　or　　investiture　made　no　change　in　the　matter；　since　the　people　attached　　little　weight　to　the　fact　that　the　despot　had　bought　a　piece　of　　parchment　somewhere　in　foreign　countries；　or　from　some　stranger　passing　　through　his　territory。　If　the　Emperor　had　been　good　for　anything；　so　　ran　the　logic　of　uncritical　common　sense；　he　would　never　have　let　the　　tyrant　rise　at　all。　Since　the　Roman　expedition　of　Charles　IV；　the　　emperors　had　done　nothing　more　in　Italy　than　sanction　a　tyranny　which　　had　arisen　without　their　help；　they　could　give　it　no　other　practical　　authority　than　what　might　flow　from　an　imperial　charter。　The　whole　　conduct　of　Charles　in　Italy　was　a　scandalous　political　comedy。　Matteo　　Villani　relates　how　the　Visconti　escorted　him　round　their　territory；　　and　at　last　out　of　it；　how　he　went　about　like　a　hawker　selling　his　　wares　（privileges；　etc。）　for　money；　what　a　mean　appearance　he　made　in　　Rome；　and　how　at　the　end；　without　even　drawing　the　sword；　he　returned　　with　replenished　coffers　across　the　Alps。　Sigismund　came；　on　the　first　　occasion　at　least　（1414）；　with　the　good　intention　of　persuading　John　　XXIII　to　take　part　in　his　council；　it　was　on　that　journey；　when　Pope　　and　Emperor　were　gazing　from　the　lofty　tower　of　Cremona　on　the　panorama　　of　Lombardy；　that　their　host；　the　tyrant　Gabrino　Fondolo；　was　seized　　with　the　desire　to　throw　them　both　over。　On　his　second　visit　Sigismund　　came　as　a　mere　adventurer；　for　more　than　half　a　year　he　remained　shut　　up　in　Siena；　like　a　debtor　in　gaol；　and　only　with　difficulty；　and　at　a　　later　period；　succeeded　in　being　crowned　in　Rome。　And　what　can　be　　thought　of　Frederick　III？　His　journeys　to　Italy　have　the　air　of　　holiday…trips　or　pleasure…tours　made　at　the　expense　of　those　who　wanted　　him　to　confirm　their　prerogatives；　or　whose　vanity　is　flattered　to　　entertain　an　emperor。　The　latter　was　the　case　with　Alfonso　of　Naples；　　who　paid　150；000　florins　for　the　honour　of　an　imperial　visit。　At　　Ferrara；　on　his　second　return　from　Rome　（1469）；　Frederick　spent　a　whole　　day　without　leaving　his　chamber；　distributing　no　less　than　eighty　　titles；　he　created　knights；　counts；　doctors。　notariescounts；　indeed；　　of　different　degrees；　as；　for　instance；　counts　palatine；　counts　with　　the　right　to　create　doctors　up　to　the　number　of　five；　counts　with　the　　rights　to　legitimatize　bastards；　to　appoint　notaries；　and　so　forth。　The　　Chancellor；　however；　expected　in　return　for　the　patents　in　question　a　　gratuity　which　was　thought　excessive　at　Ferrara。　The　opinion　of　Borso；　　himself　created　Duke　of　Modena　and　Reggio　in　return　for　an　annual　　payment　of　4；000　gold　florins；　when　his　imperial　patron　was　　distributing　titles　and　diplomas　to　all　the　little　court；　is　not　　mentioned。　The　humanists；　then　the　chief　spokesmen　of　the　age；　were　　divided　in　opinion　according　to　their　personal　interests；　while　the　　Emperor　was　greeted　by　some　of　them　with　the　conventional　acclamations　　of　the　poets　of　imperial　Rome。　Poggio　confessed　that　he　no　longer　knew　　what　the　coronation　meant：　in　the　old　times　only　the　victorious　　Imperator　was　crowned；　and　then　he　was　crowned　with　laurel。

With　Maximilian　I　begins　not　only　the　general　intervention　of　foreign　　nations；　but　a　new　imperial　policy　with　regard　to　Italy。　The　first　step　　　the　investiture　of　Lodovico　il　Moro　with　the　duchy　of　Milan　and　the　　exclusion　of　his　unhappy　nephew　　was　not　of　a　kind　to　bear　good　　fruits。　According　to　the　modern　theory　of　intervention　when　two　parties　　are　tearing　a　country　to　pieces；　a　third　may　step　in　and　take　its　　share；　and　on　this　principle　the　empire　acted。　But　right　and　justice　　could　be　involved　no　longer。　When　Louis　XI　was　expected　in　Genoa　　（1507）；　and　the　imperial　eagle　was　removed　from　the　hall　of　the　ducal　　palace　and　replaced　by　painted　lilies；　the　historian　Senarega　asked　　what；　after　all；　was　the　meaning　of　the　eagle　which　so　many　revolutions　　had　spared；　and　what　claims　the　empire　had　upon　Genoa。　No　one　knew　more　　about　the　matter　than　the　old　phrase　that　Genoa　was　a　_camera　imperii_。　　In　fact；　nobody　in　Italy　could　give　a　clear　answer　to　any　such　　questions。　At　length　when　Charles　V　held　Spain　and　the　empire　together；　　he　was　able　by　means　of　Spanish　forces　to　make　good　imperial　claims：　　but　it　is　notorious　that　what　he　thereby　gained　turned　to　the　profit；　　not　of　the　empire；　but　of　the　Spanish　monarchy。

　　　　　　　　　　*　　　　　　　　　　*　　　　　　　　　　*

Closely　connected　with　the　political　illegitimacy　of　the　dynasties　of　　the　fifteenth　century　was　the　public　indifference　to　legitimate　birth；　　which　to　foreigners　　for　example；　to　Commines　　appeared　so　　remarkable。　The　two　things　went　naturally　together。　In　northern　　countries；　as　in　Burgundy；　the　illegitimate　offspring　were　provided　for　　by　a　distinct　class　of　appanages；　such　as　bishoprics　and　the　like：　in　　Portugal　an　illegitimate　line　maintained　itself　on　the　throne　only　by　　constant　effort；　in　Italy。　on　the　contrary；　there　no　longer　existed　a　　princely　house　where　even　in　the　direct　line　of　descent；　bastards　were　　not　patiently　tolerated。　The　Aragonese　monarchs　of　Naples　belonged　to　　the　illegitimate　line；　Aragon　itself　falling　to　the　lot　of　the　brother　　of　Alfonso　I。　The　great　Federigo　of　Urbino　was；　perhaps；　no　Montefeltro　　at　all。　When　Pius　II　was　on　his　way　to　the　Congress　of　Mantua　（1459）；　　eight　bastards　of　the　house　of　Este　rode　to　meet　him　at　Ferrara；　among　　them　the　reigning　duke　Borso　himself　and　two　illegitimate　sons　of　his　　illegitimate　brother　and　predecessor　Lionello。　The　latter　had　also　had　　a　lawful　wife；　herself　an　illegitimate　daughter　of　Alfonso　I　of　Naples　　by　an　African　woman。　The　bastards　were　often　admitted　to　the　succession　　where　the　lawful　children　were　minors　and　the　dangers　of　the　situation　　were　pressing；　and　a　rule　of　seniority　became　recognized；　which　took　no　　account　of　pure　or　impure　birth。　The　fitness　of　the　individual；　his　　worth　and　capacity；　were　of　more　weight　than　all　the　laws　and　usages　　which　prevailed　elsewhere　in　the　West。　It　was　the　age；　indeed；　in　which　　the　sons　of　the　Popes　were　founding　dynasties。　In　the　sixteenth　　century；　through　the　influence　of　foreign　ideas　and　of　the　counter…　reformation　which　then　began；　the　whole　question　was　judged　more　　strictly：　Varchi　discovers　that　the　succession　of　the　legitimate　　children　'is　ordered　by　reason；　and　is　the　will　of　heaven　from　　eternity。'　Cardinal　Ippolito　de'　Medici　founded　his　claim　to　the　　lordship　of　Florence　on　the　fact　that　he　was　perhaps　the　fruit　of　a　　lawful　marriage；　and　at　all　events　son　of　a　gentlewoman；　and　not；　like　　Duke　Alessandro；　of　a　servant　girl。　At　this　time　began　those　morganatic　　marriages　of　affection　which　in　the　fifteenth　century；　on　grounds　　either　of　policy　or　morality；　would　have　had　no　meaning　at　all。

But　the　highest　and　the　most　admired　fo