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the civilization of the renaissance in italy-及48嫗

弌傍�� the civilization of the renaissance in italy 忖方�� 耽匈4000忖

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 of the fifteenth century�察 �the heaping up of learned quotations�察�as in the case of the orators�察�is  the main business of most of these writers。 Subsequently the whole  style�察�especially in Italian�察�was purified�察�until�察�in the 'Asolani' of  Bembo�察�and the 'Vita Sobria' of Luigi Cornaro�察�a classical perfection  was reached。 Here too the decisive fact was this�察�that antiquarian  matter of every kind had meantime begun to be deposited in encyclopedic  works ��now printed���察�and no longer stood in the way of the essayist。

It was inevitable too that the humanistic spirit should control the  writing of history。 A superficial comparison of the histories of this  period with the earlier chronicles�察�especially with works so full of  life�察�color�察�and brilliancy as those of the Villani�察�will lead us  loudly to deplore the change。 How insipid and conventional appear by  their side the best of the humanists�察�and particularly their immediate  and most famous successors among the historians of Florence�察�Leonardo  Aretino and Poggio� �The enjoyment of the reader is incessantly marred  by the sense that�察�in the classical phrases of Fazio�察�Sabellico�察 �Foglietta�察�Senarega�察�Platina in the chronicles of Mantua�察�Bembo in the  annals of Venice�察�and even of Giovio in his histories�察�the best local  and individual coloring and the full sincerity of interest in the truth  of events have been lost。 Our mistrust is increased when we hear that  Livy�察�the pattern of this school of writers�察�was copied just where he  is least worthy of imitationon the ground�察�namely�察�'that he turned a  dry and walled tradition into grace and richness。' In the same place we  meet with the suspicious declaration that it is the function of the  historian just as if he were one with the poetto excite�察�charm�察�or  overwhelm the reader。 We ask ourselves finally�察�whether the contempt  for modern things�察�which these same humanists sometimes avowed openly�察 �must not necessarily have had an unfortunate influence on their  treatment of them。 Unconsciously the reader finds himself looking with  more interest and confidence on the unpretending Latin and Italian  annalists�察�like those of Bologna and Ferrara�察�who remained true to the  old style�察�and still more grateful does he feel to the best of the  genuine chroniclers who wrote in Italianto Marino Sanuto�察�Corio�察�and  Infessurawho were followed at the beginning of the sixteenth century  by that new and illustrious band of great national historians who wrote  in their mother tongue。

Contemporary history�察�no doubt�察�was written far better in the language  of the day than when forced into Latin。 Whether Italian was also more  suitable for the narrative of events long past�察�or for historical  research�察�is a question which admits�察�for that period�察�of more answers  than one。 Latin was�察�at that time�察�the 'Lingua franca' of instructed  people�察�not only in an international sense�察�as a means of intercourse  between Englishmen�察�Frenchmen�察�and Italians�察�but also in an  interprovincial sense。 The Lombard�察�the Venetian�察�and the Neapolitan  modes of writing�察�though long modelled on the Tuscan�察�and bearing but  slight traces of the dialect were still not recognized by the  Florentines。 This was of less consequence in local contemporary  histories�察�which were sure of readers at the place where they were  written�察�than in the narratives of the past�察�for which a larger public  was desired。 In these the local interests of the people had to be  sacrificed to the general interests of the learned。 How far would the  influence of a man like Biondo of Forli have reached if he had written  his great monuments of learning in the dialect of the Romagna�拭�They  would have assuredly sunk into neglect�察�if only through the contempt of  the Florentines�察�while written in Latin they exercised the profoundest  influence on the whole European world of learning。 And even the  Florentines in the fifteenth century wrote Latin�察�not only because  their minds were imbued with humanism�察�but in order to be more widely  read。

Finally�察�there exist certain Latin essays in contemporary history which  stand on a level with the best Italian works of the kind。 When the  continuous narrative after the manner of Livythat Procrustean bed of  so many writers is abandoned�察�the change is marvelous。 The same Platina  and Giovio�察�whose great histories we only read because and so far as we  must�察�suddenly come forward as masters in the biographical style。 We  have already spoken of Tristano Caracciolo�察�of the biographical works  of Fazio and of the Venetian topography of Sabellico�察�and others will  be mentioned in the sequel。

The Latin treatises on past history were naturally concerned�察�for the  most part�察�with classical antiquity。 What we are most surprised to find  among these humanists are some considerable works on the history of the  Middle Ages。 The first of this kind was the chronicle of Matteo  Palmieri ��449´1449���察�beginning where Prosper Accedence ceases。 On  opening the 'Decades' of Biondo of Forli�察�we are surprised to find a  universal history�察�'ab inclinatione Romanorum imperii��' as in Gibbon�察 �full of original studies on the authors of each century�察�and occupied�察 �through the first 300 folio pages�察�with early mediaeval history down to  the death of Frederick II。 And this when in Northern countries nothing  more was current than chronicles of the popes and emperors�察�and the  'Fasciculus temporum。' We cannot here stay to show what writings Biondo  made use of�察�and where he found his materials�察�though this justice will  some day be done to him by the historians of literature。 This book  alone would entitle us to say that it was the study of antiquity which  made the study of the Middle Ages possible�察�by first training the mind  to habits of impartial historical criticism。 To this must be added�察 �that the Middle Ages were now over for Italy�察�and that the Italian mind  could the better appreciate them�察�because it stood outside them。 It  cannot�察�nevertheless�察�be said that it at once judged them fairly�察�let  alone with piety。 In the arts a strong prejudice established itself  against all that those centuries had created�察�and the humanists date  the new era from the time of their own appearance。 'I begin��' says  Boccaccio�察�'to hope and believe that God has had mercy on the Italian  name�察�since I see that His infinite goodness puts souls into the  breasts of the Italians like those of the ancients souls which seek  fame by other means than robbery and violence�察�but rather on the path  of poetry�察�which makes men immortal。' But this narrow and unjust temper  did not preclude investigation in the minds of the more gifted men�察�at  a time�察�too�察�when elsewhere in Europe any such investigation would have  been out of the question。 A historical criticism of the Middle Ages was  practicable�察�just because the rational treatment of all subjects by the  humanists had trained the historical spirit。 In the fifteenth century  this spirit had so far penetrated the history even of the individual  cities of Italy that the stupid fairy tales about the origin of  Florence�察�Venice�察�and Milan vanished�察�while at the same time�察�and long  after�察�the chronicles of the North were stuffed with this fantastic  rubbish�察�destitute for the most part of all poetical value�察�and  invented as late as the fourteenth century。

The close connection between local history and the sentiment of glory  has already been touched on in reference to Florence。 Venice would not  be behindhand。 Just as a great rhetorical triumph of the Florentines  would cause a Venetian embassy to write home posthaste for an orator to  be sent after them�察�so too the Venetians felt the need of a history  which would bear comparison with those of Leonardo Aretino and Poggio。  And it was to satisfy this feeling that�察�in the fifteenth century�察�the  'Decades' of Sabellico appeared�察�and in the sixteenth the 'Historia  rerum Venetarum' of Pietro Bembo�察�both written at the express charge of  the republic�察�the latter a continuation of the former。

The great Florentine historians at the beginning of the sixteenth  century were men of a wholly different kind from the Latinists Bembo  and Giovio。 They wrote Italian�察�not only because they could not vie  with the Ciceroni

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