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Towns�察�in return�察�would preferentially export German manufactures��
and preferentially employ their surplus capital in the
manufactories and the agriculture of the interior of Germany。
Holland �察�as she has sunk from her eminence as a commercial
power because she�察�the mere fraction of a nation�察�wanted to make
herself pass as an entire nation�察�because she sought her advantage
in the oppression and the weakening of the productive powers of
Germany �察�instead of basing her greatness on the prosperity of the
countries which lie behind her�察�with which every maritime state
must stand or fall�察�because she sought to become great by her
separation from the German nation instead of by her union with it��
Holland can only again attain to her ancient state of prosperity by
means of the German Union and in the closest connection with it。
Only by this union is it possible to constitute an agricultural
manufacturing commercial nationality of the first magnitude。
Dr Bowring groups in his tables the imports and exports of the
German Customs Union with the Hanse Towns and Holland and Belgium
all together�察�and from this grouping it clearly appears how greatly
all these countries are dependent on the English manufacturing
industry�察�and how immeasurably they might gain in their entire
productive power by union。 He estimates the imports of these
countries from England at 19��842��121 l。 sterling of official value��
or 8��550��347 l。 of declared value�察�but the exports of those
countries to England ��on the other hand�� at only 4��804��491 l。
sterling�察�in which�察�by the way�察�are included the great quantities
of Java coffee�察�cheese�察�butter�察�&c。 which England imports from
Holland。 These totals speak volumes。 We thank the Doctor for his
statistical grouping together would that it might betoken a
speedy political grouping。
NOTES��
1。 Report on the German Zollverein to Lord Viscount Palmerston�察�by
John Bowring�察�1840。
2。 See statement of R。 B。 Porter�察�note to p。 299。
Chapter 35
Continental Politics
The highest ultimate aim of rational politics is ��as we have
shown in our Second Book�� the uniting of all nations under a common
law of right�察�an object which is only to be attained through the
greatest possible equalisation of the most important nations of the
earth in civilisation�察�prosperity�察�industry�察�and power�察�by the
conversion of the antipathies and conflicts which now exist between
them into sympathy and harmony。 But the solution of this problem is
a work of immensely long duration。 At the present time the nations
are divided and repelled from one another by manifold causes�察�chief
among these are conflicts about territory。 As yet�察�the
apportionment of territory to the European nations does not
correspond to the nature of things。 Indeed�察�even in theory�察�people
are not yet agreed upon the fundamental conditions of a just and
natural apportionment of territory。 Some desire that their national
territory should be determined according to the requirements of
their metropolis without regard to language�察�commerce�察�race�察�and so
forth�察�in such a way that the metropolis should be situated in the
centre and be protected as much as possible against foreign
attacks。 They desire to have great rivers for their frontiers。
Others maintain�察�and apparently with greater reason�察�that
sea´coasts�察�mountains�察�language�察�and race�察�constitute better
frontiers than great rivers。 There still are nations who are not in
possession of those mouths of rivers and sea´coasts which are
indispensable to them for the development of their commerce with
the world and for their naval power。
If every nation was already in possession of the territory
which is necessary for its internal development�察�and for the
maintenance of its political�察�industrial�察�and commercial
independence�察�then every conquest of territory would be contrary to
sound policy�察�because by the unnatural increase of territory the
jealousy of the nation which is thus encroached upon would be
excited and kept alive�察�and consequently the sacrifices which the
conquering nation would have to make for retaining such provinces
would be immeasurably greater than the advantages accruing from
their possession。 A just and wise apportionment of territory is��
however�察�at this day not to be thought of�察�because this question is
complicated by manifold interests of another nature。 At the same
time it must not be ignored that rectification of territory must be
reckoned among the most important requirements of the nations�察�that
striving to attain it is legitimate�察�that indeed in many cases it
is a justifiable reason for war。
Further causes of antipathy between the nations are�察�at the
present time�察�the diversity of their interests in respect to
manufactures�察�commerce�察�navigation�察�naval power�察�and colonial
possessions�察�also the difference in their degrees of civilisation��
of religion�察�and of political condition。 All these interests are
complicated in manifold ways through the interests of dynasties and
powers。
The causes of antipathy are�察�on the other hand�察�causes of
sympathy。 The less powerful nations sympathise against the most
powerful�察�those whose independence is endangered sympathise against
the aggressors�察�territorial powers against naval supremacy�察�those
whose industry and commerce are defective sympathise against those
who are striving for an industrial and commercial monopoly�察�the
half´civilised against the civilised�察�those who are subjects of a
monarchy against those whose government is entirely or partially
democratic。
Nations at this time pursue their own interests and sympathies
by means of alliances of those who are like´minded and have like
interests against the interests and tendencies which conflict with
theirs。 As�察�however�察�these interests and tendencies conflict with
one another in various ways�察�these alliances are liable to change。
Those nations who are friends to´day may be enemies to´morrow�察�and
vice vers癸察�as soon as ever some one of the great interests or
principles is at stake by which they feel themselves repelled from
or drawn towards one another。
Politicians have long felt that the equalisation of the nations
must be their ultimate aim。 That which people call the maintenance
of the European balance of power has always been nothing else than
the endeavours of the less powerful to impose a check on the
encroachments of the more powerful。 Yet politics have not seldom
confounded their proximate object with their ultimate one�察�and vice
vers癲�
The proximate task of politics always consists in clearly
perceiving in what respect the alliance and equalisation of the
different interests is at the moment most pressing�察�and to strive
that until this equalisation is attained all other questions may be
suspended and kept in the background。
When the dynastic�察�monarchic�察�and aristocratic interests of
Europe allied themselves against the revolutionary tendencies of
1789�察�disregarding all considerations regarding power and commerce��
their policy was a correct one。
It was just as correct when the French Empire introduced the
tendency of conquest in place of that of revolution。
Napoleon sought by his Continental system to establish a
Continental coalition against the predominant naval and commercial
power of England�察�but in order to succeed�察�it was necessary for
him�察�first of all�察�to take away from the Continental nations the