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the man versus the state-及5嫗

弌傍�� the man versus the state 忖方�� 耽匈4000忖

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ral taxation is increased by grants for education and to the departments of science and art�察�etc。 Every one of these involves further coercion  restricts still more the freedom of the citizen。 For the implied address accompanying every additional exaction is  ;Hitherto you have been free to spend this portion of your earnings in any way which pleased you�察�hereafter you shall not be free so to spend it�察�but we will spend it for the general benefit。; Thus�察�either directly or indirectly�察�and in most cases both at once�察�the citizen is at each further stage in the growth of this compulsory legislation�察�deprived of some liberty which he previously had。      Such�察�then�察�are the doings of the party which claims the name of Liberal�察�and which calls itself Liberal as being the advocate of extended freedom。 

I doubt not that many a member of the party has read the preceding section with impatience�察�wanting�察�as he does�察�to point out an immense oversight which he thinks destroys the validity of the argument。 ;You forget�察─�he wishes to say�察 �the fundamental difference between the power which�察�in the past�察�established those restraints that Liberalism abolished�察�and the power which�察�in the present�察�establishes the restraints you call anti´Liberal。 You forget that the one was an irresponsible power�察�while the other is a responsible power。 You forget that if by the recent legislation of Liberals�察�people are variously regulated�察�the body which regulates them is of their own creating�察�and has their warrant for its acts。;     My answer is�察�that I have not forgotten this difference�察�but am prepared to contend that the difference is in large measure irrelevant to the issue。      In the first place�察�the real issue is whether the lives of citizens are more interfered with than they were�察�not the nature of the agency which interferes with them。 Take a simpler case。 A member of a trades' union has joined others in establishing an organization of a purely representative character。 By it he is compelled to strike if a majority so decide�察�he is forbidden to accept work save under the conditions they dictate�察�he is prevented from profiting by his superior ability or energy to the extent he might do were it not for their interdict。 He cannot disobey without abandoning those pecuniary benefits of the organization for which he has subscribed�察�and bringing on himself the persecution�察�and perhaps violence�察�of his fellows。 Is he any the less coerced because the body coercing him is one which he had an equal voice with the rest in forming�拭     �In the second place�察�if it be objected that the analogy is faulty�察�since the governing body of a nation�察�to which�察�as protector of the national life and interests�察�all must submit under penalty of social disorganization�察�has a far higher authority over citizens than the government of any private organization can have over its members�察�then the reply is that�察�granting the difference�察�the answer made continues valid。 If men use their liberty in such a way as to surrender their liberty�察�are they thereafter any the less slaves�拭�If people by a plebiscite elect a man despot over them�察�do they remain free because the despotism was of their own making�拭�Are the coercive edicts issued by him to be regarded as legitimate because they are the ultimate outcome of their own votes�拭�As well might it be argued that the East African�察�who breaks a spear in another's presence that he may so become bondsman to him�察�still retains his liberty because he freely chose his master。      Finally if any�察�not without marks of irritation as I can imagine�察�repudiate this reasoning�察�and say that there is no true parallelism between the relation of people to government where an Responsible single ruler has been permanently elected�察�and the relation where a responsible representative body is maintained�察�and from time to time re´elected�察�then there comes the ultimate reply  an altogether heterodox reply  by which most will be greatly astonished。 This reply is�察�that these multitudinous restraining acts are not defensible on the ground that they proceed from a popularly´chosen body�察�for that the authority of a popularly´chosen body is no more to be regarded as an unlimited authority than the authority of a monarch�察�and that as true Liberalism in the past disputed the assumption of a monarch's unlimited authority�察�so true Liberalism in the present will dispute the assumption of unlimited parliamentary authority。 Of this�察�however�察�more anon。 Here I merely indicate it as an ultimate answer。      Meanwhile it suffices to point out that until recently�察�just as of old�察�true Liberalism was shown by its acts to be moving towards the theory of a limited parliamentary authority。 All these abolitions of restraints over religious beliefs and observances�察�over exchange and transit�察�over trade´combinations and the traveling of artisans�察�over the publication of opinions�察�theological or political�察�etc。�察�etc。�察�were tacit assertions of the desirableness of limitation。 In the same way that the abandonment of sumptuary laws�察�of laws forbidding this or that kind of amusement�察�of laws dictating modes of farming�察�and many others of like meddling nature�察�which took place in early days�察�was an implied admission that the State ought not to interfere in such matters�察�so those removals of hindrances to individual activities of one or other kind�察�which the Liberalism of the last generation effected�察�were practical confessions that in these directions�察�too�察�the sphere of governmental action should be narrowed。 And this recognition of the propriety of restricting governmental action was a preparation for restricting it in theory。 One of the most familiar political truths is that�察�in the course of social evolution�察�usage precedes law�察�and that when usage has been well established it becomes law by receiving authoritative endorsement and defined form。 Manifestly then�察�Liberalism in the past�察�by its practice of limitation�察�was preparing the way for the principle of limitation。      But returning from these more general considerations to the special question�察�I emphasize the reply that the liberty which a citizen enjoys is to be measured�察�not by the nature of the governmental machinery he lives under�察�whether representative or other�察�but by the relative paucity of the restraints it imposes on him�察�and that�察�whether this machinery is or is not one that he has shared in making�察�its actions are not of the kind proper to Liberalism if they increase such restraints beyond those which are needful for preventing him from directly or indirectly aggressing on his fellows  needful�察�that is�察�for maintaining the liberties of his fellows against his invasions of them�此�restraints which are�察�therefore�察�to be distinguished as negatively coercive�察�not positively coercive。 

Probably�察�however�察�the Liberal�察�and still more the sub´species Radical�察�who more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able�察�will continue to protest�察�knowing that his aim is popular benefit of some kind�察�to be achieved in some way�察�and believing that the Tory is�察�contrariwise�察�prompted by class´interest and the desire to maintain class´power�察�he will regard it as palpably absurd to group him as one of the same genus�察�and will scorn the reasoning used to prove that he belongs to it。      Perhaps an analogy will help him to see its validity。 If�察�away in the far East�察�where personal government is the only form of government known�察�he heard from the inhabitants an account of a struggle by which they had deposed a cruel and vicious despot�察�and put in his place one whose acts proved his desire for their welfare  if�察�after listening to their self´gratulations�察�he told them that they had not essentially changed the nature of their government�察�he would greatly astonish them�察�and probably he would have difficulty in making them understand that the substitution of a benevolent despot for a malevolent despot�察�still left the government a despotism。 Similarly with Toryism as rightly conceived。 Standing as it does for coercion by the State versus the freedom of the individual�察�Toryism remains Toryism�察�whether it extends this coercio

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