theodore roosevelt-第41章

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ked　also　for　Beauty。　He　reserved　as　National　Parks　for　the　use　and　delight　of　men　and　women　forever　some　of　the　most　beautiful　regions　in　the　United　States；　and　the　support　he　gave　to　these　causes　urged　them　forward　after　he　ceased　to　be　President。



CHAPTER　XVI。　THE　SQUARE　DEAL　IN　ACTION

Having　seen　briefly　how　President　Roosevelt　dealt　with　Capital；　let　us　look　even　more　briefly　at　his　dealings　with　Labor。　I　think　that　he　took　the　deepest　personal　satisfaction　in　fighting　the　criminal　rich　and　the　soulless　corporations；　because　he　regarded　them　not　only　as　lawbreakers；　malefactors　of　great　wealth；　but　as　despicably　mean；　in　that　they　used　their　power　to　oppress　the　poor　and　helpless　classes。　The　Labor　groups　when　they　burst　out　into　violence　merely　responded　to　the　passion　which　men　naturally　feel　at　injustice　and　at　suffering；　to　their　violence　they　did　not　add　slyness　or　legal　deceits。　But　Roosevelt　had　no　toleration　for　the　Labor　demagogue；　for　the　walking　delegate；　and　all　similar　parasites；　who　preyed　upon　the　working　classes　for　their　own　profit；　and　fomented　the　irritation　of　Labor　and　Capital。

Stronger；　however；　than　his　sympathy　for　any　individual；　and　especially　for　those　who　suffered　without　redress；　was　his　love　of　justice。　This　he　put　in　a　phrase　which　he　invented　and　made　current；　a　phrase　which　everybody　could　understand：　〃the　labor　unions　shall　have　a　square　deal；　and　the　corporations　shall　have　a　square　deal。〃　At　another　time　he　expressed　the　same　idea；　by　saying　that　the　rich　man　should　have　justice；　and　that　the　poor　man　should　have　justice；　and　that　no　man　should　have　more　or　less。

Time　soon　brought　a　test　for　his　devotion　to　social　justice。　In　the　summer　of　1902　the　coal…miners　of　Pennsylvania　stopped　working。　Early　in　September　the　public　awoke　with　a　start　to　the　realization　that　a　coal　famine　threatened　the　country。　In　the　Eastern　States；　in　New　York；　and　Pennsylvania；　and　in　some　of　the　Middle　Western　States；　a　calamity　threatened；　which　would　be　quite　as　terrible　as　the　invasion　of　an　enemy's　army。　For　not　only　would　lack　of　fuel　cause　incalculable　hardship　and　distress　from　cold；　but　it　would　stop　transportation；　and　all　manufacturing　by　machinery　run　by　coal。　The　mine　operators　and　the　miners　were　at　a　deadlock。　The　President　invited　the　leaders　on　both　sides　to　confer　with　him　at　the　White　House。　They　came　and　found　him　stretched　out　on　an　invalid's　chair；　with　one　of　his　legs　much　bandaged；　from　an　accident　he　had　received　in　a　collision　at　Pittsfield　a　few　weeks　before；　but　his　mental　vigor　was　unsubdued。　John　Mitchell　spoke　for　the　miners。　The　President　urged　the　quarrelers　to　come　to　terms。　But　the　big　coal　operators　would　not　yield。　They　knew　that　the　distress　among　the　mining　population　was　great；　and　they　believed　that　if　the　authorities　would　only　maintain　peace；　the　miners　would　soon　be　forced　to　give　in。　So　the　meeting　broke　up　and　the　〃coal　barons；〃　as　the　newspapers　dubbed　the　operators；　quitted　with　evident　satisfaction。　They　felt　that　they　had　not　only　repelled　the　miners　again；　but　virtually　put　down　the　President　for　interfering　in　a　matter　in　which　he　had　no　legal　jurisdiction。

And；　in　truth；　the　laws　gave　the　President　of　the　United　States　no　authority　to　play　the　role　of　arbiter　in　a　strike。　His　plain　duty　was　to　keep　the　peace。　If　a　strike　resulted　in　violent　disorders　he　could　send　United　States　troops　to　quell　them；　but　only　in　case　the　Governor　of　the　State　in　which　the　riots　occurred　declared　himself　unable；　by　the　State　force　at　his　command；　to　keep　the　peace；　and　requested　assistance　from　the　President。　In　the　coal　strike　the　Governor　of　Pennsylvania；　for　reasons　which　I　need　not　discuss　here；　refused　to　call　for　United　States　troops；　and　so　did　the　Pennsylvania　Legislature。　Roosevelt　acted　as　a　patriotic　citizen　might　act；　but　being　the　President；　his　interference　had　immensely　greater　weight　than　that　of　any　private　citizen　could　have。　He　knew　the　law　in　the　matter；　but　he　believed　that　the　popular　opinion　of　the　American　people　would　back　him　up。

In　spite　of　the　first　rebuff；　therefore；　he　persuaded　the　miners　and　the　operators　to　agree　to　the　appointment　of　an　arbitration　commission；　and　this　suggested　a　settlement　which　both　contestants　accepted。　It　ended　the　great　coal　strike　of　1902；　but　it　left　behind　it　much　indignation　among　the　American　people；　who　realized　for　the　first　time　that　one　of　the　three　or　four　great　industries　essential　to　the　welfare　and　even　to　the　life　itself　of　the　Nation；　was　in　the　hands　of　men　who　preferred　their　selfish　interests　to　those　of　the　Nation。　It　taught　several　other　lessons　also；　it　taught；　for　instance；　that　great　combinations　of　Labor　may　be　as　dangerous　as　those　of　Capital；　and　as　heedless　of　everything　except　their　own　selfish　control。　It　taught　that　the　people　of　the　States　and　of　the　Nation　could　not　go　on　forever　without　taking　steps　to　put　an　end　to　the　already　dangerous　hostility　between　Capital　and　Labor；　and　that　that　end　must　be　the　establishment　of　justice　for　all。　An　apologist　of　the　〃coal　barons〃　might　have　pleaded　that　they　held　out　not　merely　for　their　private　gain　on　that　occasion；　but　in　order　to　defeat　the　growing　menace　of　Labor。　Their　stubbornness　might　turn　back　the　rising　flood　of　socialism。

Respecters　of　legal　precedent；　on　the　other　hand；　criticised　the　President。　They　acknowledged　his　good　intentions；　but　they　pointed　out　that　his　extra…legal　interference　set　an　ominously　bad　example。　And　some　of　them　would　have　preferred　to　go　cold　all　winter；　and　even　to　have　had　the　quarrel　sink　into　civil　war；　rather　than　to　have　had　the　constitutional　ideals　of　the　Nation　distorted　or　obscured　by　the　President's　good…natured　endeavor。　Roosevelt　himself；　however；　never　held　this　opinion。　In　1915；　he　wrote　to　Mr。　Washburn：　〃I　think　the　settlement　of　the　coal　strike　was　much　the　most　important　thing　I　did　about　Labor；　from　every　standpoint。〃

I　find　an　intimate　letter　of　his　which　dates　from　the　time　of　the　conflict　itself　and　gives　frankly　his　motives　and　apology；　if　we　should　call　it　that。　He　admits　that　his　action　was　not　strictly　legal；　but　he　asks　that；　if　the　President　of　the　United　States　may　not　intervene　to　prevent　a　widespread　calamity；　what　is　his　authority　worth？　If　it　had　been　a　national　strike　of　iron…workers　or　miners；　he　would　have　held　himself　aloof；　but　the　coal　strike　affected　a　product　necessary　to　the　life　and　health　of　the　people。　It　was　easy　enough　for　well…to…do　gentlemen　to　say　that　they　had　rather　go　cold　and　see　the　fight　carried。　through　until　the　strikers　submitted；　than　to　have　legal　precedence　ignored；　for　these　gentlemen　had　money　enough　to　buy　fuel　at　even　an　exorbitant　price；　and　they　would　be　warm　anyway；　while　the　great　mass　of　the　population　froze。　I　may　add　that　it　seems　more　legal　than　sensible　that　any　official　chosen　to　preserve　the　public　welfare　and　health　should　not　be　allowed　to　interpose　against　persons　who　would　destroy　both；　and　may　stir　only　after　the　destroyers　have　caused　the　catastrophe　they　aimed　at。

Roosevelt's　action　in　the　great　coal　strike　not　only　averted　the　danger；　but　it　also　gave　Labor　means　of　judging　him　fairly。　Every　demagogue；　from　the　days　of　Cleon　down；　has　talked　glibly　in　behalf　of　the　downtrodden　or　unjustly　treated　working…men；　and　we　might　suppose　that　the　demagogue　has　acquired　enlargement　of　the　heart；　owing　to　his　overpowering　sympathy　with　Labor。　But　the　questions　we　have　to　ask　about　demagogues　are　two：　Is　he　sincere？　Is　he　wise？

Sincerity　alone　has　been　rather　too　much　exalted　as　an　excuse　for　the　follies　and　crimes　of　fanatics　and　zealots；　blatherskites　and　cranks。　Some　of　our　〃lunatic　fringe〃　of　reformers　have　been　heard　to　palliate　the　Huns'　atrocities　in　Belgium；　by　the　plea：　〃Ah；　but　they　were　so　perfectly　sincere！〃　Sincerity　alone；　therefore；　is　not　enough；　it　must　be　wise　or　it　may　be　diabolical。　Now　Roosevelt　was　both　sincere　and　wise。　He　left　no　doubt　in　the　strikers'　minds　that　he　sympathized　with　their　sufferings　and　grievances　and　with　their　attempts　to　better　their　condition；　so　far　as　this　could　be　achieved　without　violence；　and　without　leaving　a　permanent　state　of　war　between　Labor　and　Capital。　In　a　wor