the sequel of appomattox-第13章

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th　the　provisional　governments；　assumed　jurisdiction　over　the　Negroes；　while　the　army　authorities　very　early　took　the　position　that　any　man　who　claimed　to　be　a　Unionist　should　not　be　tried　in　the　local　courts　but　must　be　given　a　better　chance　in　a　provost　court。　Thus　a　third　or　more　of　the　population　was　withdrawn　from　the　control　of　the　state　government。　In　several　states　the　head　of　the　Bureau　made　arrangements　for　local　magistrates　and　officials　to　act　as　Bureau　officials；　and　in　such　cases　the　two　authorities　acted　in　cooperation。　The　army　of　occupation；　too；　exerted　an　authority　which　not　infrequently　interfered　with　the　workings　of　the　new　state　government。　Nearly　everywhere　there　was　a　lack　of　certainty　and　efficiency　due　to　the　concurrent　and　sometimes　conflicting　jurisdictions　of　state　government；　army　commanders；　Bureau　authorities；　and　even　the　President　acting　upon　or　through　any　of　the　others。

The　standing　of　the　Southern　state　organizations　was　in　doubt　after　the　refusal　of　Congress　to　recognize　them。　Nevertheless；　in　spite　of　this　uncertainty　they　continued　to　function　as　states　during　the　year　of　controversy　which　followed；　the　courts　were　opened　and　steadily　grew　in　influence；　here　and　there　militia　and　patrols　were　reorganized；　officials　who　refused　to　〃accept　the　situation〃　were　dismissed；　elections　were　held；　the　legislatures　revised　the　laws　to　fit　new　conditions　and　enacted　new　laws　for　the　emancipated　blacks。　To　all　this　progress　in　reorganization；　the　action　of　Congress　was　a　severe　blow；　since　it　gave　notice　that　none　of　the　problems　of　reconstruction　were　yet　solved。　An　increasing　spirit　of　irritation　and　independence　was　observed　throughout　the　states　in　question；　and　at　the　elections　the　former　Confederates　gained　more　and　more　offices。　The　year　was　marked　in　the　South　by　the　tendency　toward　the　formation　of　parties；　by　the　development　of　the　〃Southern　outrages〃　issue；　by　an　attempt　to　frustrate　radical　action；　and　finally　by　a　lineup　of　the　great　mass　of　the　whites　in　opposition　to　the　Fourteenth　Amendment　and　other　radical　plans　of　Congress。

The　Joint　Committee　on　Reconstruction；　appointed　when　Congress　refused　to　accept　the　work　of　President　Johnson；　proceeded　during　several　months　to　take　testimony　and　to　consider　measures。　The　testimony；　which　was　taken　chiefly　to　support　opinions　already　formed；　appeared　to　prove　that　the　Negroes　and　the　Unionists　were　so　badly　treated　that　the　Freedmen's　Bureau　and　the　army　must　be　kept　in　the　South　to　protect　them；　that　free　Negro　labor　was　a　success　but　that　the　whites　were　hostile　to　it；　that　the　whites　were　disloyal　and　would；　if　given　control　of　the　Southern　governments　and　admitted　to　Congress；　constitute　a　danger　to　the　nation　and　especially　to　the　party　in　power。

To　convince　the　voters　of　the　North　of　the　necessity　of　dealing　drastically　with　the　South　a　campaign　of　misrepresentation　was　begun　in　the　summer　of　1865；　which　became　more　and　more　systematic　and　unscrupulous　as　the　political　struggle　at　Washington　grew　fiercer。　Newspapers　regularly　ran　columns　headed　〃Southern　Outrages；〃　and　every　conceivable　mistreatment　of　blacks　by　whites　was　represented　as　taking　place　on　a　large　scale。　As　General　Richard　Taylor　said；　it　would　seem　that　about　1866　every　white　man；　woman；　and　child　in　the　South　began　killing　and　maltreating　Negroes。　In　truth；　there　was　less　and　less　ground　for　objection　to　the　treatment　of　the　blacks　as　time　went　on　and　as　the　several　agencies　of　government　secured　firmer　control　over　the　lawless　elements。　But　fortunately　for　the　radicals　their　contention　seemed　to　be　established　by　riots　on　a　large　scale　in　Memphis　and　New　Orleans　where　Negroes　were　killed　and　injured　in　much　greater　number　than　whites。

The　rapid　development　of　the　radical　plans　of　Congress　checked　the　tendency　toward　political　division　in　the　South。　Only　a　small　party　of　rabid　Unionists　would　now　affiliate　with　the　radicals；　while　all　the　others　reluctantly　held　together；　endorsed　Johnson's　policy；　and　attempted　to　affiliate　with　the　disintegrating　National　Union　party。　But　the　defeat　of　the　President's　policies　in　the　elections　of　1866；　the　increasing　radicalism　of　Congress　as　shown　by　the　Civil　Rights　Act；　the　expansion　of　the　Freedmen's　Bureau；　the　report　of　the　Joint　Committee　on　Reconstruction；　and　the　proposal　of　the　Fourteenth　Amendment　led　farsighted　Southerners　to　see　that　the　President　was　likely　to　lose　in　his　fight　with　Congress。

Now　began；　in　the　latter　half　of　1866；　with　some　cooperation　in　the　North　and　probably　with　the　approval　of　the　President；　a　movement　in　the　South　to　forestall　the　radicals　by　means　of　a　settlement　which；　although　less　severe　than　the　proposed　Fourteenth　Amendment；　might　yet　be　acceptable　to　Congress。　One　feature　of　the　settlement　was　to　be　some　form　of　Negro　suffrage；　either　by　local　action　or　by　constitutional　amendment。　Those　behind　this　scheme　were　mainly　of　the　former　governing　class。　Negro　suffrage；　they　thought；　would　take　the　wind　out　of　the　radical　sails；　the　Southern　whites　would　soon　be　able　to　control　the　blacks；　representation　in　Congress　would　be　increased；　and　the　Black　Belt　would　perhaps　regain　its　former　political　hegemony。　It　is　hardly　necessary　to　say　that　the　majority　of　the　whites　were　solidly　opposed　to　such　a　measure。　But　it　was　hoped　to　carry　it　under　pressure　through　the　legislature　or　to　bring　it　about　indirectly　through　rulings　of　the　Freedmen's　Bureau。

Coincident　with　this　scheme　of　partial　Negro　suffrage　an　attempt　was　made　by　the　conservative　leaders　in　Washington；　working　with　the　Southerners；　to　propose　a　revised　Fourteenth　Amendment　which　would　give　the　vote　to　competent　Negroes　and　not　disfranchise　the　whites。　A　conference　of　Southern　governors　met　in　Washington　early　in　1867　and　drafted　such　an　amendment。　But；　it　was　too　late。

Meanwhile　the　Fourteenth　Amendment　submitted　by　Congress　had　been　brought　before　the　Southern　legislatures；　and　during　the　winter　of　1866…67　it　was　rejected　by　all　of　them。　There　was　strong　opposition　to　it　because　it　disfranchised　the　leading　whites；　but　perhaps　the　principal　reason　for　its　rejection　was　that　the　Southern　people　were　not　sure　that　still　more　severe　conditions　might　not　be　imposed　later。

While　the　President　was　〃restoring〃　the　states　which　had　seceded　and　struggling　with　Congress；　the　Border　States　of　the　South；　including　Tennessee　（which　was　admitted　in　1866　by　reason　of　its　radical　state　government）；　were　also　in　the　throes　of　reconstruction。　Though　there　was　less　military　interference　in　these　than　in　the　other　states；　many　of　the　problems　were　similar。　All　had　the　Freedmen's　Bureau；　the　Negro　race；　the　Unionists；　and　the　Confederates；　in　every　state；　except　Kentucky；　Confederates　were　persecuted；　the　minority　was　in　control；　and　〃ring〃　rule　was　the　order　of　the　day；　but　in　each　state　there　were　signs　of　the　political　revolution　which　a　few　years　later　was　to　put　the　radicals　out　of　power。

The　executive　plan　for　the　restoration　of　the　Union；　begun　by　Lincoln　and　adopted　by　Johnson；　was；　as　we　have　seen；　at　first　applied　in　all　the　states　which　had　seceded。　A　military　governor　was　appointed　in　each　state　by　the　President　by　virtue　of　his　authority　as　commander　in　chief。　This　official；　aided　by　a　civilian　staff　of　his　own　choice　and　supported　by　the　United　States　army　and　other　Federal　agencies；　reorganized　the　state　administration　and　after　a　few　months　turned　the　state　and　local　governments　over　to　regularly　elected　officials。　Restoration　should　now　have　been　completed；　but　Congress　refused　to　admit　the　senators　and　representatives　of　these　states；　and　entered　upon　a　fifteen　months'　struggle　with　the　President　over　details　of　the　methods　of　the　reconstruction。　Meanwhile　the　Southern　States；　though　unrepresented　in　Congress；　continued　their　activities；　with　some　interference　from　Federal　authorities；　until　Congress　in　1867　declared　their　governments　nonexistent。

The　work　begun　by　Lincoln　and　Johnson　deserved　better　success。　The　original　plan　restored　to　political　rights　only　a　small　number　of　Unionists；　the　lukewarm　Confederates；　and　the　unimportant。　But　in　spite　of　the　threatening　speeches　of　Johnson；　he　used　his　power　of　pardon　unt