the sequel of appomattox-第19章

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House　as　to　the　appointment　of　a　Joint　Committee　on　Reconstruction。

On　the　issues　before　Congress　both　Houses　were　split　into　rather　clearly　defined　factions：　the　extreme　radicals　with　such　leaders　as　Stevens；　Sumner；　Wade；　and　Boutwell；　the　moderate　Republicans；　chief　among　whom　were　Fessenden　and　Trumbull；　the　administration　Republicans　led　by　Raymond；　Doolittle；　Cowan；　and　Dixon；　and　the　Democrats；　of　whom　the　ablest　were　Reverdy　Johnson；　Guthrie；　and　Hendricks。　All　except　the　extreme　radicals　were　willing　to　support　the　President　or　to　come　to　some　fairly　reasonable　compromise。　But　at　no　time　were　they　given　an　opportunity　to　get　together。　Johnson　and　the　administration　leaders　did　little　in　this　direction　and　the　radicals　made　the　most　skillful　use　of　the　divisions　among　the　conservatives。

Whatever　final　judgment　may　be　passed　upon　the　radical　reconstruction　policy　and　its　results；　there　can　be　no　doubt　of　the　political　dexterity　of　those　who　carried　it　through。　Chief　among　them　was　Thaddeus　Stevens；　vindictive　and　unscrupulous；　filled　with　hatred　of　the　Southern　leaders；　bitter　in　speech　and　possessing　to　an　extreme　degree　the　faculty　of　making　ridiculous　those　who　opposed　him。　He　advocated　confiscation；　the　proscription　or　exile　of　leading　whites；　the　granting　of　the　franchise　and　of　lands　to　the　Negroes；　and　in　Southern　states　the　establishment　of　territorial　governments　under　the　control　of　Congress。　These　states　should；　he　said；　〃never　be　recognized　as　capable　of　acting　in　the　Union　。　。　。　until　the　Constitution　shall　have　been　so　amended　as　to　make　it　what　the　makers　intended；　and　so　as　to　secure　perpetual　ascendancy　to　the　party　of　the　Union。〃

Charles　Sumner；　the　leader　of　the　radicals　in　the　Senate；　was　moved　less　than　Stevens　by　personal　hostility　toward　the　whites　of　the　South；　but　his　sympathy　was　reserved　entirely　for　the　blacks。　He　was　unpractical；　theoretical；　and　not　troubled　by　constitutional　scruples。　To　him　the　Declaration　of　Independence　was　the　supreme　law；　and　it　was　the　duty　of　Congress　to　express　its　principles　in　appropriate　legislation。　Unlike　Stevens；　who　had　a　genuine　liking　for　the　Negro；　Sumner's　sympathy　for　the　race　was　purely　intellectual；　for　the　individual　Negro　he　felt　repulsion。　His　views　were　in　effect　not　different　from　those　of　Stevens。　And　he　was　practical　enough　not　to　overlook　the　value　of　the　Negro　vote。　〃To　my　mind；〃　he　said；　〃nothing　is　clearer　than　the　absolute　necessity　of　suffrage　for　all　colored　persons　in　the　disorganized　states。　It　will　not　be　enough　if　you　give　it　to　those　who　read　and　write；　you　will　not；　in　this　way；　acquire　the　voting　force　which　you　need　there　for　the　protection　of　unionists；　whether　white　or　black。　You　will　not　secure　the　new　allies　who　are　essential　to　the　national　cause。〃　A　leader　of　the　second　rank　was　his　colleague　Henry　Wilson；　who　was　also　actuated　by　a　desire　for　the　Negro's　welfare　and　for　the　perpetuation　of　the　Republican　party；　which　he　said　contained　in　its　ranks　〃more　of　moral　and　intellectual　worth　than　was　ever　embodied　in　any　political　organization　in　any　land　。　。　。　created　by　no　man　or　set　of　men　but　brought　into　being　by　Almighty　God　himself　。　。　。　and　endowed　by　the　Creator　with　all　political　power　and　every　office　under　Heaven。〃　Shellabarger　of　Ohio　was　another　important　figure　among　the　radicals。　The　following　extract　from　one　of　his　speeches　gives　an　indication　of　his　character　and　temperament：　〃They　＇the　Confederates＇　framed　iniquity　and　universal　murder　into　law　。　。　。　。　Their　pirates　burned　your　unarmed　commerce　upon　every　sea。　They　carved　the　bones　of　the　dead　heroes　into　ornaments；　and　drank　from　goblets　made　out　of　their　skulls。　They　poisoned　your　fountains；　put　mines　under　your　soldiers'　prisons；　organized　bands　whose　leaders　were　concealed　in　your　homes；　and　commissions　ordered　the　torch　and　yellow　fever　to　be　carried　to　your　cities　and　to　your　women　and　children。　They　planned　one　universal　bonfire　of　the　North　from　Lake　Ontario　to　the　Missouri。〃

Among　the　lesser　lights　may　be　mentioned　Morton　and　Wade；　both　bluff；　coarse；　and　ungenerous；　and　thoroughly　convinced　that　the　Republican　party　had　a　monopoly　of　loyalty；　wisdom；　and　virtues；　and　that　by　any　means　it　must　gain　and　keep　control；　Boutwell；　fanatical　and　mediocre；　and　Benjamin　Butler；　a　charlatan　and　demagogue。　As　a　class　the　Western　radicals　were　less　troubled　by　humanitarian　ideals　than　were　those　of　the　East　and　sought　more　practical　political　results。

The　Joint　Committee　on　Reconstruction　which　finally　decided　the　fate　of　the　Southern　states　was　composed　of　eight　radicals；　four　moderate　Republicans；　and　three　Democrats。　As　James　Gillespie　Blaine　wrote　later；　〃it　was　foreseen　that　in　an　especial　degree　the　fortunes　of　the　Republican　party　would　be　in　the　keeping　of　the　fifteen　men　who　might　be　chosen。〃　This　committee　was　divided　into　four　subcommittees　to　take　testimony。　The　witnesses；　all　of　whom　were　examined　at　Washington；　included　army　officers　and　Bureau　agents　who　had　served　in　the　South；　Southern　Unionists；　a　few　politicians；　and　several　former　Confederates；　among　them　General　Robert　E。　Lee　and　Alexander　H。　Stephens。　Most　of　the　testimony　was　of　the　kind　needed　to　support　the　contentions　of　the　radicals　that　Negroes　were　badly　treated　in　the　South；　that　the　whites　were　disloyal；　that；　should　they　be　left　in　control；　the　Negro；　free　labor；　the　nation；　and　the　Republican　party　would　be　in　danger；　that　the　army　and　the　Freedmen's　Bureau　must　be　kept　in　the　South；　and　that　a　radical　reconstruction　was　necessary。　No　serious　effort；　however；　was　made　to　ascertain　the　actual　conditions　in　the　South。　Slow　to　formulate　a　definite　plan；　the　Joint　Committee　guided　public　sentiment　toward　radicalism；　converted　gradually　the　Republican　Congressmen；　and　little　by　little　undermined　the　power　and　influence　of　the　President。

Not　until　after　the　new　year　was　it　plain　that　there　was　to　be　a　fight　to　the　finish　between　Congress　and　the　President。　Congress　had　refused　in　December　1865；　to　accept　the　President's　program；　but　there　was　still　hope　for　a　compromise。　Many　conservatives　had　voted　for　the　delay　merely　to　assert　the　rights　of　Congress；　but　the　radicals　wanted　time　to　frame　a　program。　The　Northern　Democrats　were　embarrassingly　cordial　in　their　support　of　Johnson　and　so　also　were　most　Southerners。　The　moderates　were　not　far　away　from　the　position　of　the　President　and　the　administration　Republicans。　But　the　radicals　skillfully　postponed　a　test　of　strength　until　Stevens　and　Sumner　were　ready。　The　latter　declared　that　a　generation　must　elapse　〃before　the　rebel　communities　have　so　far　been　changed　as　to　become　safe　associates　in　a　common　government。　Time；　therefore；　we　must　have。　Through　time　all　other　guarantees　may　be　obtained；　but　time　itself　is　a　guarantee。〃

To　the　Joint　Committee　were　referred　without　debate　all　measures　relating　to　reconstruction；　but　the　Committee　was　purposely　making　little　progresscontented　merely　to　take　testimony　and　to　act　as　a　clearing　house　for　the　radical　〃facts〃　about　〃Southern　outrages〃　while　waiting　for　the　tide　to　turn。　The　〃Black　Laws〃　and　the　election　of　popular　Confederate　leaders　to　office　in　the　South　were　effectively　used　to　alarm　the　friends　of　the　Negroes；　and　the　reports　from　the　Bureau　agents　gave　support　to　those　who　condemned　the　Southern　state　governments　as　totally　inadequate　and　disloyal。

So　apparent　was　the　growth　of　radicalism　that　the　President；　alarmed　by　the　attitude　of　Sumner　and　Stevens　and　their　followers；　began　to　fear　for　the　Constitution　and　forced　the　fight。　The　passage　of　a　bill　on　February　6；　1866；　extending　the　life　of　the　Freedmen's　Bureau　furnished　the　occasion　for　the　beginning　of　the　open　struggle。　On　the　19th　of　February；　Johnson　vetoed　the　bill；　and　the　next　day　an　effort　was　made　to　pass　it　over　the　veto。　Not　succeeding　in　this　attempt；　the　House　of　Representatives　adopted　a　concurrent　resolution　that　Senators　and　Representatives　from　the　Southern　states　should　be　excluded　until　Congress　declared　them　entitled　to　representation。　Ten　days　later　the　Senate　also　adopted　the　resolution。

Though　it　was　not　yet　too　late　for　Johnson　to　meet　the　conservatives　of　Congress　on　middle　ground；　he