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political economy-第2章

小说: political economy 字数: 每页4000字

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my; when; in acquiring their own property; had learned what is suitable in that of states; and who; governing free communities to which they were responsible; guided their administrations; not according to their own ambition; but according to the interest of all。 Till the fifteenth century wealth and credit were no where to be found in the republics of Italy; and of the Hanseatic league; the imperial towns of Germany; the free towns of Belgium and Spain; and perhaps also in some towns in France and England; which happened to enjoy great municipal privileges。 The Magistrates of all those towns were men constantly brought up in business; and without having brought political economy to the form of a science; they had yet the feeling as well as the experience of what would serve or injure the interests of their fellow…citizens。     The dreadful wars which began with the nineteenth century; and altogether overturned the balance of Europe; transferred a nearly absolute monarchy to three or four all…powerful monarchs; who shared among them the government of the civilized world。 Charles V united; under his dominion; all the counties which had hitherto been celebrated for their industry and wealth; … Spain; nearly all Italy; Flanders; and Germany; but he united after having ruined them; and his administration; by suppressing all their privileges; prevented the recovery of former opulence。 The most absolute kings can no more govern by themselves; than kings whose authority is limited by laws。 The former transmit their power to ministers whom they themselves select; in place of taking such as would be nominated by the popular confidence。 But they find them among a class of persons different from that in which free governments find them。 In the eyes of an absolute king; the first quality of a statesman is his being in possession of a rank so high that he may have lived in noble indolence; or at least in absolute ignorance of domestic economy。 The ministers of Charles V; whatever talents they show for negotiation and intrigue; were all equally ignorant of pecuniary affairs。 They ruined the public finances; agriculture; trade; and every kind of industry; from one end of Europe to the other; they made the people feel the difference; which might indeed have been anticipated; between their ignorance and the practical knowledge of republican magistrates。     Charles V; his rival Francis I; and Henry VIII; who wished to hold the balance between them; had engaged in expenses beyond their incomes; the ambition nf their successors; and the obstinacy of the house of Austria; which continued to maintain a destructive system of warfare during more than a hundred years; caused those expenses; in spite of the public poverty; to go on increasing。 But as the suffering became more general; the friends of humanity felt more deeply the obligation laid on them to undertake the defence of the poor。 By an order of sequence opposite to the natural progress of ideas; the science of political economy sprung from that of finance。 Philosophers wished to shield the people from the speculations of absolute power。 They felt that; to obtain a hearing from kings; they must speak to them of royal interests; not of justice or duty。 They investigated the nature and causes of national wealth; to show governments how it might be shared without being destroyed。     Too little liberty existed in Europe to allow those who first occupied themselves with political economy to present their speculations to the world; and finances were enveloped in too profound a secrecy to admit of men; not engaged in public business; knowing facts enough to form the basis of general rules。 Hence the study of political economy began with ministers; when once it had fortunately happened that kings put men at the head of their finances; who combined talents with justice and love of the public weal。 Two great French ministers; Sully under Henry IV; and Colbert under Louis XIV; were the first who threw any light on a subject till then regarded as a secret of state; in which mystery had engendered and concealed the greatest absurdities。 Yet; in spite of all their genius and authority; it was a task beyond their power to introduce any thing like order; precision; or uniformity into this branch of government。 Both of them; however; not only repressed the frightful spoliations of the revenue farmers; and by their protection communicated some degree of security to private fortunes; but likewise dimly perceived the true sources of national prosperity; and busied themselves with efforts to make them flow more abundantly。 Sully gave his chief protection to agriculture。 He used to say that pasturage and husbandry wee the two beasts of the state。 Colbert; descended from a family engaged in the cloth trade; studied above all to encourage manufactures and commerce。 He furnished himself with the opinion of merchants; and asked their advice on all emergencies。 Both statesmen opened roads and canals to facilitate the exchange of commodities: both protected the spirit of enterprise; and honoured the industrious activity which diffused plenty over their country。     Colbert; the latter of the two; was greatly prior to any of the writers who have teated political economy as a science; and reduced it to a body of doctrines。 He had a system; however; in regard to national wealth: he required one to give uniformity to his plans; and delineate clearly before his view the object he wished to attain。 His system was probably suggested by the merchants whom he consulted。 It is now generally known by the epithet mercantile; sometimes also by the name Colbertism。 Not that Colbert was its author; or unfolded it in any publication; but because he was beyond comparison the most illustrious of its professors; because; notwithstanding the errors of his theory; the applications he deduced from it were highly advantageous; and because; among the numerous writers who have maintained the same opinion; there is not one who has shown enough of talent even to fix his name in the reader's memory。 It is but just; however; to separate the mercantile system altogether from the name of Colbert。 It was a system invented by trading subjects; not by citizens; it was a system adopted by all the ministers of absolute governments; when they happened to take the trouble of thinking on finance; and Colbert had no other share in the matter than that of having followed it without reforming it。     After long treating commerce with haughty contempt; governments had at length discovered in it one of the most abundant sources of national wealth。 All the great fortunes in their states did not indeed belong exclusively to merchants; but when; overtaken by sudden necessity; they wished to levy large sums at once; merchants alone could supply them。 Proprietors of land might possess immense revenues; manufacturers might cause immense labours to be executed; but neither of them could dispose of any more than their income or annual produce。 In a case of need merchants alone offered their whole fortune to the government。 As their capital was entirely represented by commodities already prepared for consumption; by merchandise destined for the immediate use of the market to which it had been carried; they could sell it at an hour's warning; and realise the required sum with smaller loss than any other class of citizens。 Merchants therefore found means to make themselves be listened to; because they had in some sort the command of all the money in the state; and were at the same time nearly independent of authority … being able; in general; to hide from the attacks of despotism a property of unknown amount; and transport it; with their persons; to a foreign country; at a moment's notice。     Governments would gladly have increased the merchant's profit; on condition of obtaining a share of it。 Imagining that nothing more was necessary than to second each other's views; they offered him force to support industry。 and since the advantage of the merchant consists in selling dear and buying cheap; they thought it would be an effectual protection to commerce; if the means were afforded of selling still dearer and buying still cheaper。 The merchants whom they consulted eagerly grasped

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