the writings-5-第78章

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of　the　country　as　well　as　of　the　Executive；　and　hence　there　is　better

reason　to　hope　there　will　be　given　him　the　confidence　and　cordial

support　thus　by　fair　implication　promised；　and　without　which　he

cannot　with　so　full　efficiency　serve　the　country。



It　has　been　said　that　one　bad　general　is　better　than　two　good　ones；

and　the　saying　is　true　if　taken　to　mean　no　more　than　that　an　army　is

better　directed　by　a　single　mind；　though　inferior；　than　by　two

superior　ones　at　variance　and　cross…purposes　with　each　other。



And　the　same　is　true　in　all　joint　operations　wherein　those　engaged

can　have　none　but　a　common　end　in　view　and　can　differ　only　as　to　the

choice　of　means。　　In　a　storm　at　sea　no　one　on　hoard　can　wish　the　ship

to　sink；　and　yet　not　unfrequently　all　go　down　together　because　too

many　will　direct　and　no　single　mind　can　be　allowed　to　control。



It　continues　to　develop　that　the　insurrection　is　largely；　if　not

exclusively；　a　war　upon　the　first　principle　of　popular　government

the　rights　of　the　people。　　Conclusive　evidence　of　this　is　found　in

the　most　grave　and　maturely　considered　public　documents；　as　well　as

in　the　general　tone　of　the　insurgents。　　In　those　documents　we　find

the　abridgment　of　the　existing　right　of　suffrage　and　the　denial　to

the　people　of　all　right　to　participate　in　the　selection　of　public

officers　except　the　legislative　boldly　advocated；　with　labored

arguments　to　prove　that　large　control　of　the　people　in　government　is

the　source　of　all　political　evil。　　Monarchy　itself　is　sometimes

hinted　at　as　a　possible　refuge　from　the　power　of　the　people。



In　my　present　position　I　could　scarcely　be　justified　were　I　to　omit

raising　a　warning　voice　against　this　approach　of　returning　despotism。

It　is　not　needed　nor　fitting　here　that　a　general　argument　should　be

made　in　favor　of　popular　institutions；　but　there　is　one　point；　with

its　connections；　not　so　hackneyed　as　most　others；　to　which　I　ask　a

brief　attention。　　It　is　the　effort　to　place　capital　on　an　equal

footing　with；　if　not　above；　labor　in　the　structure　of　government。　　It

is　assumed　that　labor　is　available　only　in　connection　with　capital；

that　nobody　labors　unless　somebody　else；　owning　capital；　somehow　by

the　use　of　it　induces　him　to　labor。　　This　assumed；　it　is　next

considered　whether　it　is　best　that　capital　shall　hire　laborers；　and

thus　induce　them　to　work　by　their　own　consent；　or　buy　them　and　drive

them　to　it　without　their　consent。　　Having　proceeded　so　far；　it　is

naturally　concluded　that　all　laborers　are　either　hired　laborers　or

what　we　call　slaves。　　And　further；　it　is　assumed　that　whoever　is　once

a　hired　laborer　is　fixed　in　that　condition　for　life。



Now　there　is　no　such　relation　between　capital　and　labor　as　assumed；

nor　is　there　any　such　thing　as　a　free　man　being　fixed　for　life　in　the

condition　of　a　hired　laborer。　　Both　these　assumptions　are　false；　and

all　inferences　from　them　are　groundless。



Labor　is　prior　to　and　independent　of　capital。　　Capital　is　only　the

fruit　of　labor；　and　could　never　have　existed　if　labor　had　not　first

existed。　　Labor　is　the　superior　of　capital；　and　deserves　much　the

higher　consideration。　　Capital　has　its　rights；　which　are　as　worthy　of

protection　as　any　other　rights。　　Nor　is　it　denied　that　there　is；　and

probably　always　will　be；　a　relation　between　labor　and　capital

producing　mutual　benefits。　　The　error　is　in　assuming　that　the　whole

labor　of　community　exists　within　that　relation。　　A　few　men　own

capital；　and　that　few　avoid　labor　themselves；　and　with　their　capital

hire　or　buy　another　few　to　labor　for　them。　　A　large　majority　belong

to　neither　classneither　work　for　others　nor　have　others　working　for

them。　　In　most　of　the　Southern　States　a　majority　of　the　whole　people

of　all　colors　are　neither　slaves　nor　masters；　while　in　the　Northern　a

large　majority　are　neither　hirers　nor　hired。　　Men；　with　their

familieswives；　sons；　and　daughters；work　for　themselves　on　their

farms；　in　their　houses；　and　in　their　shops；　taking　the　whole　product

to　themselves；　and　asking　no　favors　of　capital　on　the　one　hand　nor　of

hired　laborers　or　slaves　on　the　other。　　It　is　not　forgotten　that　a

considerable　number　of　persons　mingle　their　own　labor　with　capital；

that　is；　they　labor　with　their　own　hands　and　also　buy　or　hire　others

to　labor　for　them；　but　this　is　only　a　mixed　and　not　a　distinct　class。

No　principle　stated　is　disturbed　by　the　existence　of　this　mixed

class。



Again；　as　has　already　been　said；　there　is　not　of　necessity　any　such

thing　as　the　free　hired　laborer　being　fixed　to　that　condition　for

life。　　Many　independent　men　everywhere　in　these　States　a　few　years

back　in　their　lives　were　hired　laborers。　　The　prudent；　penniless

beginner　in　the　world　labors　for　wages　awhile；　saves　a　surplus　with

which　to　buy　tools　or　land　for　himself；　then　labors　on　his　own

account　another　while；　and　at　length　hires　another　new　beginner　to

help　him。　　This　is　the　just　and　generous　and　prosperous　system　which

opens　the　way　to　all；　gives　hope　to　all；　and　consequent　energy　and

progress　and　improvement　of　condition　to　all。　　No　men　living　are　more

worthy　to　be　trusted　than　those　who　toil　up　from　poverty；　none　less

inclined　to　take　or　touch　aught　which　they　have　not　honestly　earned。

Let　them　beware　of　surrendering　a　political　power　which　they　already

possess；　and　which　if　surrendered　will　surely　be　used　to　close　the

door　of　advancement　against　such　as　they　and　to　fix　new　disabilities

and　burdens　upon　them　till　all　of　liberty　shall　be　lost。



》From　the　first　taking　of　our　national　census　to　the　last　are　seventy

years；　and　we　find　our　population　at　the　end　of　the　period　eight

times　as　great　as　it　was　at　the　beginning。　　The　increase　of　those

other　things　which　men　deem　desirable　has　been　even　greater。　　We　thus

have　at　one　view　what　the　popular　principle；　applied　to　government

through　the　machinery　of　the　States　and　the　Union；　has　produced　in　a

given　time；　and　also　what　if　firmly　maintained　it　promises　for　the

future。　　There　are　already　among　us　those　who　if　the　Union　be

preserved　will　live　to　see　it　contain　200；000；000。　　The　struggle　of

to…day　is　not　altogether　for　to…day；　it　is　for　a　vast　future　also。

With　a　reliance　on　Providence　all　the　more　firm　and　earnest；　let　us

proceed　in　the　great　task　which　events　have　devolved　upon　us。



ABRAHAM　LINCOLN。









MESSAGE　TO　CONGRESS。



WASHINGTON；　December　20；　1861。



TO　THE　SENATE　AND　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES：



I　transmit　to　Congress　a　letter　from　the　secretary　of　the　executive

committee　of　the　commission　appointed　to　represent　the　interests　of

those　American　citizens　who　may　desire　to　become　exhibitors　at　the

industrial　exhibition　to　be　held　in　London　in　1862；　and　a　memorial　of

that　commission；　with　a　report　of　the　executive　committee　thereof　and

copies　of　circulars　announcing　the　decisions　of　Her　Majesty's

commissioners　in　London；　giving　directions　to　be　observed　in　regard

to　articles　intended　for　exhibition；　and　also　of　circular　forms　of

application；　demands　for　space；　approvals；　etc。；　according　to　the

rules　prescribed　by　the　British　commissioners。



As　these　papers　fully　set　forth　the　requirements　necessary　to　enable

those　citizens　of　the　United　States　who　may　wish　to　become　exhibitors

to　avail　themselves　of　the　privileges　of　the　exhibition；　I　commend

them　to　your　early　consideration；　especially　in　view　of　the　near

approach　of　the　time　when　the　exhibition　will　begin。



ABRAHAM　LINCOLN。









LETTER　OF　REPRIMAND　TO　GENERAL　HUNTER



TO　GENERAL　HUNTER。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；



Dec。31；　1861



MAJOR…GENERAL　HUNTER。



DEAR　SIR：Yours　of　the　23d　is　received；　and　I　am　constrained　to　say

it　is　difficult　to　answer　so　ugly　a　letter　in　good　temper。　　I　am；　as

you　intimate；　losing　much　of　the　great　confidence　I　placed　in　you；

not　from　any　act　or　omission　of　yours　touching　the　public　service；　up

to　the　time　you　were　sent　to　Leavenworth；　but　from　the　flood　of